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NIKONHA,  THE  LAST  TUTELO. 
IN  1870;  AGED  106. 


March  2, 1883.]  [Hale. 


Bancroft  LJbnwy 

PROCEEDINGS 

OF   THE 

AMERICAN    PHILOSOPHICAL    SOCIETY. 

HELD  AT  PHILADELPHIA,  FOR  PROJOTGU  USEFUL  OOWLEDGE. 

VOL.  XXI.  1883.  No.  114. 

THE  TUTELO  TRIBE  AND  LANGUAGE. 

BY  HORATIO'  HALE. 
(Read  before  the  American  Philosophical  Society,  March  2,  ISSS.) 

The  tribes  of  the  Dakota  stock,  under  various  designations — Osages, 
Quappas,  Kansas,  Otoes,  Omahas,  Minitarees  (or  Hidatsas),  lowas,  Man- 
dans,  Sioux  (or  Dakotas  proper)  and  Assiniboins,  have  always  been  regarded 
as  a  people  of  the  western  prairies,  whose  proper  home  was  the  vast  region 
lying  west  of  the  Mississippi,  and  stretching  from  the  Arkansas  River  on 
the  south  to  the  Saskatchawan  on  the  north.  A  single  tribe,  the  Winnebagoes, 
who  dwelt  east  of  the  Mississippi,  near  the  western  shore  of  Lake  Michi 
gan,  were  deemed  to  be  intruders  into  the  territory  of  the  Algonkin  nations. 
The  fact,  which  has  been  recently  ascertained,  that  several  tribes  speaking 
languages  of  the  Dakota  stock  were  found  by  the  earliest  explorers  occu 
pying  the  country  east  of  the  Alleghenies,  along  a  line  extending  through, 
the  southern  part  of  Virginia  and  the  northern  portion  of  North  Carolina, 
nearly  to  the  Atlantic  ocean,  has  naturally  awakened  much  interest.  This 
interest  will  be  heightened  if  it  shall  appear  that  not  only  must  our  ethno 
graphical  maps  of  North  America  be  modified,  but  that  a  new  element  has 
been  introduced  into  the  theory  of  Indian  migrations.  Careful  researches 
seem  to  show  that  while  the  language  of  these  eastern  tribes  is  closely 
allied  to  that  of  the  western  Dakotas,  it  bears  evidence  of  being  older 
in  form.  If  this  conclusion  shall  be  verified,  the  supposition,  which  at  first 
was  natural,  that  these  eastern  tribes  were  merely  offshoots  of  the  Dakota 
stock,  must  be  deemed  at  least  improbable.  The  course  of  migration  may 
be  found  to  have  followed  the  contrary  direction,  and  the  western  Dakotas, 
like  the  western  Algonkins,  may  find  their  parent  stock  in  the  east.  As 
a  means  of  solving  this  interesting  problem,  the  study  of  the  history  and 
language  of  a  tribe  now  virtually  extinct  assumes  a  peculiar  scientific  value. 
Philologists  will  notice,  also,  that  in  this  study  there  is  presented  to  them 
a  remarkable  instance  of  an  inflected  language  closely  allied  in  its  vocabu- 

PROC.  AMER.  PHILOS.  SOC.  XXI.  114.  A.      PRINTED  MARCH  26,  1883. 


Hale.]  [March  2, 

lary  and  in  many  of  its  forms  to  dialects  which  are  mainly  agglutinative 
in  their  structure,  and  bear  but  slight  traces  of  inflection. 

In  the  year  1671  an  exploring  party  under  Captain  Batt,  leaving  "  the 
Apomatock  Town,"  on  the  James  River,  penetrated  into  the  mountains 
of  Western  Virginia,  at  a  distance,  by  the  route  they  traveled,  of  two  hun 
dred  and  fifty  miles  from  their  starting  point.  At  this  point  they  found 
"  the  Tolera  Town  in  a  very  rich  swamp  between  a  breach  [branch]  and 
the  main  river  of  the  Roanoke,  circled  about  by  mountains."*  There  are 
many  errata  in  the  printed  narrative,  and  the  circumstances  leave  no 
doubt  that  "Tolera"  should  be  "  Totera."  On  their  way  to  this  town  the 
party  had  passed  the  Sapong  [Sapony]  town,  which,  according  to  the 
journal,  was  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  west  of  the  Apomatock 
Town,  and  about  a  hundred  miles  east  of  the  "Toleras."  A  few  years 
later  we  shall  find  these  tribes  in  closer  vicinity  and  connection. 

At  this  period  the  Five  Nations  were  at  the  height  of  their  power,  and  in 
the  full  flush  of  that  career  of  conquest  which  extended  their  empire  from 
the  Georgian  Bay  on  the  north  to  the  Roanoke  River  on  the  south.  They 
had  destroyed  the  Hurons  and  the  Eries,  had  crushed  the  Andastes  (or 
Conestoga  Indians),  had  reduced  the  Delawares  to  subjection,  and  were 
now  brought  into  direct  collision  with  the  tribes  of  Virginia  and  the  Caro- 
linas.  The  Toteras  (whom  we  shall  henceforth  know  as  the  Tuteloes) 
began  to  feel  their  power.  In  1636  the  French  missionaries  had  occasion 
to  record  a  projected  expedition  of  the  Senecas  against  a  people  designated 
in  the  printed  letter  the  "Tolere," — the  same  misprint  occurring  once 
more  in  the  same  publication.!  The  traditions  of  the  Tuteloes  record  long 
continued  and  destructive  wars  waged  against  them  and  their  allies  by 
the  Iroquois,  and  more  especially  by  the  two  western  nations,  the  Cayu- 
gas  and  Senecas.  To  escape  the  incursions  of  their  numerous  and  relent 
less  enemies,  they  retreated  further  to  the  south  and  east.  Here  they 
•came  under  the  observation  of  a  skilled  explorer,  John  Lawson,  the  Sur 
veyor-General  of  South  Carolina.  In  1701,  Lawson  traveled  from  Char 
leston,  S.  C.,  to  Pamlico  sound.  In  this  journey  he  left  the  sea-coast  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Santee  river,  and  pursued  a  northward  course  into  the  hilly 
•country,  whence  he  turned  eastward  to  Pamlico.  At  the  Sapona  river, 
which  was  the  west  branch  of  the  Cape  Fear  or  Clarendon  river,  he  came 
to  the  Sapona  town,  where  he  was  well  received.  $  He  there  heard  of  the 
Toterosas  "a  neighboring  nation  "in  the  "western  mountains."  "At 
that  time,"  he  adds,  "these  Toteros,  Saponas,  and  the  Keyawees,  three 
small  nations,  were  going  to  live  together,  by  which  they  thought  they 
should  strengthen  themselves  and  become  formidable  to  their  enemies." 

*  Bait's  Journal  and  Relation  of  a  New  Discovery,  in  N.  Y    Hist    Col  Vol    iii 
p.  191. 

fLambreville  to  Bruyas,  Nov.  4, 1636,  in  N.  Y.  Hist.  Col.,  Vol.  ill,  p.  484. 

J  Gallatin  suggests  that  Lawson  was  here  in  error,  and  that  the  Sapona  river 
was  a  branch  of  the  Great  Pedee,  which  he  does  not  mention,  and  some  branches 
which  he  evidently  mistook  for  tributaries  of  tha  Cape  Fear  river.—  Synopsis  of 
4he  Indian  Tribes,  p.  85. 


1883.J  [Hale. 

They  were  then  at  war  with  the  powerful  and  dreaded  Senecas — whom 
Lawson  styles  Sinnagers.  While  he  was  at  the  Sapona  town,  some  of  the 
Toteras  warriors  came  to  visit  their  allies.  Lawson  was  struck  with  their 
appearance.  He  describes  them,  in  his  quaint  idiom,  as  "tall,  likely  men, 
hiving  great  plenty  of  buffaloes,  elks  and  bears,  with  every  sort  of  deer, 
amongst  them,  which  strong  food  makes  large,  robust  bodies."  In  another 
place  he  adds:  "These  five  nations  of  the  Toteros,  Saponas,  Keiauwees, 
Aconechos  and  Schoicories  are  lately  come  amongst  us,  and  may  contain 
in  all  about  750  men,  women  and  children."*  It  is  known  that  the  Tote- 
roes  (or  Tuteloes)  and  Saponas  understood  each  other's  speech,  and  it  is 
highly  probable  that  all  the  five  tribes  belonged  to  the  same  stock.  They 
had  doubtless  fled  together  from  southwestern  Virginia  before  their  Iro- 
quois  invaders.  The  position  in  which  they  had  taken  refuge  might  well 
have  seemed  to  them  safe,  as  it  placed  between  them  and  their  enemies 
the  strong  and  warlike  Tuscarora  nation,  which  numbered  then,  accord 
ing  to  Lawson's  estimate,  twelve  hundred  warriors,  clustered  in  fifteen 
towns,  stretching  along  the  Neuse  and  Tar  rivers.  Yet,  even  behind  this 
living  rampart,  the  feeble  confederates  were  not  secure.  Lawson  was 
shown,  near  the  Sapona  town,  the  graves  of  seven  Indians  who  had  been 
lately  killed  by  the  "Sinnegars  or  Jennitos" — names  by  which  Gallatin 
understands  the  Senecas  and  Oneidas,  though  as  regards  the  latter  identi 
fication  there  may  be  some  question. 

The  noteworthy  fact  mentioned  by  Lawson,  that  buffaloes  were  found 
in  "  great  plenty"  in  the  hilly  country  on  the  head  waters  of  the  Cape 
Fear  river,  may  be  thought  to  afford  a  clue  to  the  causes  which  account 
for  the  appearance  of  tribes  of  Dakota  lineage  east  of  the  Alleghenies.  The 
Dakotas  are  peculiarly  a  hunting  race,  and  the  buffalo  is  their  favorite 
game.  The  fact  that  the  Big  Sandy  river,  which  flows  westward  from  the 
Allegheniea  to  the  Ohio,  and  whose  head  waters  approach  those  of  the 
Cape  Fear  river,  was  anciently  known  as  the  Totteroy  river,  has  been 
supposed  to  afford  an  indication  that  the  progress  of  the  Toteros  or  Tute- 
los,  and  perhaps  of  the  buffaloes  which  they  hunted,  may  be  traced  along 
its  course  from  the  Ohio  valley  eastward.  There  are  evidences  which  seem 
to  show  that  this  valley  was  at  one  time  the  residence,  or  at  least  the  hunt 
ing-ground,  of  tribes  of  the  Dakota  stock.  Gravier  (in  1700)  affirms  that 
the  Ohio  river  was  called  by  the  Illinois  and  the  Miamis  the  Akansea 
river,  because  the  Akanseas  formerly  dwelt  along  it.f  The  Akanseas 
were  identical  with  the  Quappas,  and  have  at  a  later  day  given  their  name 
to  the  river  and  State  of  Arkansas.  Catlin  found  reason  for  believing 

*  Lawson's  "  History  of  Carolina ;"  reprinted  by  Strother  &  Marcoin.  Raleigh, 
1860  ;  p.  384. 

t "  Elle"  (the  Ohio)  "  s'appelle  par  les  Illinois  et  par  les  Oumiamis  la  riviere 
des  Akanseas,  parceque  les  Akanseas  rhabitoientautrefois."— Gravier,  Relation 
du  Voyage,  p.  10.  I  am  indebted  for  this  and  other  references  to  my  esteemed 
friend,  Dr.  J.  G.  Shea,  whose  unsurpassed  knowledge  of  Indian  history  is  not 
more  admirable  than  the  liberality  with  which  its  stores  are  placed  at  the  com 
mand  of  his  friends. 


Hale.]  [March  2, 

v 

that  the  Mandans,  another  tribe  of  the  Southern  Dakota  stock,  formerly 
— and  at  no  very  distant  period— resided  in  the  valley  of  the  Ohio.  The 
peculiar  traces  in  the  soil  which  marked  the  foundations  of  their  dwellings 
and  the  position  of  their  villages  were  evident,  he  affirms,  at  various  points 
along  that  river.  It  is  by  no  means  improbable  that  when  the  buffalo 
abounded  on  the  Ohio,  the  Dakota  tribes  found  its  valley  their  natural 
home,  and  that  they  receded  with  it  to  the  westward  of  the  Mississippi. 
But  the  inference  that  the  region  west  of  the  Mississippi  was  the  original 
home  of  the  Dakotas,  and  that  those  of  that  stock  who  dwe.t  on  the  Ohio 
or  east  of  the  Alleghenies  were  emigrants  from  the  Western  prairies,  does 
not,  by  any  means,  follow.  By  the  same  course  of  reasoning  we  might 
conclude  that  the  Aryans  had  their  original  seat  in  Western  Europe,  that 
the  Portuguese  were  emigrants  from  Brazil,  and  that  the  English  derived 
their  origin  from  America.  The  migrations  of  races  are  not  to  be  traced 
by  such  recent  and  casual  vestiges.  The  only  evidence  which  has  real 
weight  in  any  inquiry  respecting  migrations  in  prehistoric  times  is  that 
of  language  ;  and  where  this  fails,  as  it  sometimes  does,  the  question  must 
be  pronounced  unsoluble. 

The  protection  which  the  Tuteloes  had  received  from  the  Tuscaroras 
and  their  allies  soon  failed  them.  In  the  year  1711  a  war  broke  out  between 
the  Tuscaroras  and  the  Carolina  settlers,  which  ended  during  the  following 
year  in  the  complete  defeat  of  the  Indians.  After  their  overthrow  the 
great  body  of  the  Tuscaroras  retreated  northward  and  joined  the  Iroquois, 
who  received  them  into  their  league  as  the  sixth  nation  of  the  confederacy. 
A  portion,  however,  remained  near  their  original  home.  They  merely  re 
tired  a  short  distance  northward  into  the  Virginian  territory,  and  took  up 
their  abode  in  the  tract  which  lies  between  the  Roanoke  and  the  Potomac 
rivers.  Here  they  were  allowed  to  remain  at  peace,  under  the  protection  of 
the  Virginian  government.  And  here  they  were  presently  joined  by  the 
Tuteloes  and  Saponas,  with  their  confederates.  In  September,  172<!,  the 
governors  of  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  and  Virginia,  held  a  conference  at 
Albany  with  the  chiefs  of  the  Iroquois,  to  endeavor  to  bring  about  a  peace 
between  them  and  the  southern  tribes.  On  this  occasion  Governor  Spottes- 
wood,  of  Virginia,  enumerated  the  tribes  for  which  the  government  of 
his  Province  would  undertake  to  engage.  Among  them  were  certain 
tribes  which  were  commonly  known  under  the  name  of  the  "  Christanna 
Indians,"  a  name  derived  from  that  of  a  fort  which  had  been  established 
in  their  neighborhood.  These  were  "the  Saponies,  Ochineeches,  Sten- 
kenoaks,  Meipontskys,  and  Toteroes,"  all  of  whom,  it  appears,  the  Iro 
quois  were  accustomed  to  comprehend  under  the  name  of  Todtrich rones.* 

Some  confusion  and  uncertainty,  however,  arise  in  consulting  the  col 
onial  records  of  this  time,  from  the  fact  that  this  name  of  Todirichrones  was 
applied  by  the  Iroquois  to  two  distinct  tribes,  or  rather  confederacies,  of 
Southern  Indians,  belonging  to  different  stocks,  and  speaking  languages 

*  N.  Y.  Hist.  Col.,  Vol.  v,  p.  655  et  seq. 


1883.]  ^>  [Hale. 

totally  dissimilar.  These  were,  on  the  one  hand,  the  Tuteloes  (or  Tote- 
roes)  and  their  allies,  and,  on  the  other,  the  powerful  Catawba  nation. 
The  Catawbas  occupied  the  eastern  portion  of  the  Carolinas,  south  of  the 
Tuscarora  nation.  At  the  beginning  of  the  last  century  they  numbered 
several  thousand  souls.  As  late  as  1743,  according  to  Adair,  they  could 
still  muster  four  hundred  warriors.  A  bitter  animosity  existed  between 
them  and  the  Iroquois,  leading  to  frequent  hostilities,  which  the  English 
authorities  at  this  conference  sought  to  repress.  It  was  the  policy  of  the 
Iroquois,  from  ancient  times,  always  to  yield  to  overtures  of  peace  from 
any  Indian  nation.  On  this  occasion  they  responded  in  their  usual  spirit. 
"Though  there  is  among  you,"  they  replied  to  the  Virginians,  "a  nation, 
the  Toclirichrones,  against  whom  we  have  had  so  inveterate  an  enmity 
that  we  thought  it  could  only  be  extinguished  by  their  total  extirpation, 
yet,  since  you  desire  it,  we  are  willing  to  receive  them,  into  this  peace,  and 
to  forget  all  the  past."* 

The  Catawba  language  is  a  peculiar  speech,  differing  widely,  if  not  radi 
cally,  both  from  the  Dakota  and  from  the  Iroquois  languages,  f  The  only 
connection  between  the  Catawbas  and  the  Tuteloes  appears  to  have  arisen 
from,  the  fact  that  they  were  neighboring,  and  perhaps  politically  allied 
tribes,  and  were  alike  engaged  in  hostilities  with  the  Iroquois.  The 
latter,  however,  seem  to  have  confounded  them  all  together,  under  the 
name  of  the  tribe  which  lay  nearest  to  the  confederacy  and  was  the  best 
known  to  them. 

One  result  of  the  peace  thus  established  was  that  the  Tuteloes  and 
Saponas,  after  a  time,  determined  to  follow  the  course  which  had  been 
taken  by  the  major  portion  of  their  Tuscarora  friends,  and  place  them 
selves  directly  under  the  protection  of  the  Six  Nations.  Moving  north 
ward  across  Virginia,  they  established  themselves  at  Shamokin  (since 
named  Sunbury)  in  what  is  now  the  centre  of  Pennsylvania.  It  was  a 
region  which  the  Iroquois  held  by  right  of  conquest,  its  former  occupants, 
the  Delawares  and  Shawanese,  having  been  either  expelled  or  reduced  to 
subjection.  Here,  under  the  shadow  of  the  great  confederacy,  many  frag- 

*  X.  Y.  Hist.  Col.,  Vol.  v,  p.  660. 

f  Gallatin,  in  his  Synopsis  classes  the  Catawba  as  a  separate  stock,  distinct 
from  the  Dakota.  The  vocabulary  which  he  gives  seems  to  warrant  this  sepa 
ration,  the  resemblances  of  words  being  few  and  of  a  doubtful  character.  On 
the  other  hand,  in  the  first  annual  report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology  connected 
with  the  Smithsonian  Institution  (Introduction,  p.  xix)  theKat&ba  (or  Catawba) 
is  ranked  among  the  languages  of  the  Dakotan  family.  My  esteemed  corre 
spondent,  Mr.  A.  S.  Gatschet,whose  extensive  acquaintance  with  Indian  linguist 
ics  gives  great  weight  to  his  opinion  on  any  subject  connected  with  this  study, 
informs  me  (March  31,  1882)  that  this  classification  was  conjectural  and  provi 
sional,  and  that  his  subsequent  researches  among  the  few  survivors  of  the  tribe 
have  not  yet  resultedin  confirmingit.  They  show  certain  traces  of  resemblance, 
both  in  the  vocabulary  and  the  syntax,  but  too  slight  and  distant  to  make  the 
affiliation  certain.  We  shall  have,  as  he  remarks,  "to  compare  more  material, 
or  more  attentively  that  which  we  have,  to  arrive  at  a  final  result." 


Hale.J  [March  2, 

ments  of  broken  tribes  were  now  congregated— Conoys,  Nanticokes,  Del- 
awares,  Tuteloes,  and  others. 

In  September,  1745,  the  missionary,  David  Brainerd,  visited  Shamokin. 
He  describes  it  in  his  diary  as  containing  upwards  of  fifty  houses  and 
nearly  three  hundred  persons.  "They  are,"  he  says,  "of  three  different 
tribes  of  Indians,  speaking  three  languages  wholly  unintelligible  to  each 
other.  About  one  half  of  its  inhabitants  are  Delawares,  the  others  Senekas 
and  Tutelas."*  Three  years  later,  in  the  summer  of  1748,  an  exploring 
party  of  Moravian  missionaries  passed  through  the  same  region.  The 
celebrated  Zeisberger,  who  was  one  of  them,  has  left  a  record  of  their 
travels.  From  this  we  gather  that  the  whole  of  the  Tuteloes  were  not 
congregated  in  Shamokin.  Before  reaching  that  town,  they  passed  through 
Skogari,  in  what  is  now  Columbia  county.  In  Zeisberger's  biography  the 
impression  formed  of  this  town  by  the  travelers  is  expressed  in  brief  but 
emphatic  terms.  It  was  "the  only  town  on  the  continent  inhabited  by 
Tuteloes,  a  degenerate  remnant  of  thieves  and  drunkards."!  This  dis 
paraging  description  was  perhaps  not  unmerited.  Yet  some  regard  must  be 
paid  to  a  fact  of  which  the  good  missionary  could  not  be  aware,  namely, 
that  the  Indians  who  are  characterized  in  these  unsavory  terms  belonged 
to  a  stock  distinguished  from  the  other  Indians  whom  he  knew  by  certain 
marked  traits  of  character.  Those  who  are  familiar  with  the  various 
branches  of  the  Indian  race  are  aware  that  every  tribe,  and  still  more 
every  main  stock,  or  ethnic  family,  has  certain  special  characteristics,  both 
physical  and  mental.  The  Mohawk  differs  in  look  and  character  decidedly 
from  the  Onondaga,  the  Delaware  from  the  Shawanese,  the  Sioux  from 
the  Mandan  ;  and  between  the  great  divisions  to  which  these  tribes  belong, 
the  differences  are  much  more  strongly  marked.  The  Iroquois  have  been 
styled  "the  Romans  of  the  West."  The  designation  is  more  just  than  is 
usual  in  such  comparisons.  Indeed,  the  resemblance  between  these  great 
conquering  communities  is  strikingly  marked.  The  same  politic  fore 
thought  in  council,  the  same  respect  for  laws  and  treaties,  the  same  love 
of  conquest,  the  same  relentless  determination  in  war,  the  same  clemency 
to  the  utterly  vanquished,  a  like  readiness  to  strengthen  their  power  by 
the  admission  of  strangers  to  the  citizenship,  an  equal  reliance  on  strong 
fortifications,  similar  customs  of  forming  outlying  colonies,  and  of  ruling 
subject  nations  by  proconsular  deputies,  a  similar  admixture  of  aristocracy 
and  democracy  in  their  constitution,  a  like  taste  for  agriculture,  even  a 
notable  similarity  in  the  strong  and  heavy  mould  of  figure  and  the  bold 
and  massive  features,  marked  the  two  peoples  who,  on  widely  distant 
theatres  of  action,  achieved  not  dissimilar  destinies. 

Pursuing  the  same  classical  comparison,  we  might  liken  the  nearest  neigh 
bors  of  the  jroquois,  the  tribes  of  the  Algonkin  stock,  whose  natural  traits 
are  exemplified  in  their  renowned  sachems,  Powhatan,  Philip  of  Pokano- 

*  Life  of  Brainerd,  p.  167,  Am.  Tract  Soc.  edition.    Quoted  in  the  u  Life  of  Zeis 
berger,"  by  De  Schweinitz,  p.  71. 
t  Life  of  Zeisberger,  by  De  Schweinitz,  p.  149. 


1383.]  [Hale. 

ket,  Miantanomah,  Pontiac,  and  Tecumseli,  to  the  ingenious  and  versatile 
Greeks,  capable  of  heroism,  but  incapable  of  political  union,  or  of  long-sus 
tained  effort.  A  not  less  notable  resemblance  might  be  found  between  the 
wild  and  wandering  Scythians  of  old,  and  the  wild  and  wandering  tribes 
of  the  great  Dakotan  stock.  Reckless  and  rapacious,  untamable  and  fickle, 
fond  of  the  chase  and  the  fight,  and  no  less  eager  for  the  dance  and  the 
feast,  the  modern  Dakotas  present  all  the  traits  which  the  Greek  historians 
and  travelers  remarked  in  the  barbarous  nomads  who  roamed  along  their 
northern  and  eastern  frontiers. 

The  Tuteloes,  far  from  the  main  body  of  their  race,  and  encircled  by 
tribes  of  Algonkin  and  Iroquois  lineage,  showed  all  the  distinctive  charac 
teristics  of  the  stock  to  which  they  belonged.  The  tall,  robust  huntsmen 
of  Lawson,  chasers  of  the  elk  and  the  deer,  had  apparently  degenerated, 
half  a  century  later,  into  a  "remnant  of  thieves  and  drunkards,"  at 
least  as  seen  in  the  hurried  view  of  a  passing  missionary.  But  it 
would  seem  that  their  red-skinned  neighbors  saw  in  them  some  qualities 
which  gained  their  respect  and  liking.  Five  years  after  Zeisberger's  visit, 
the  Iroquois,  who  had  held  them  hitherto  under  a  species  of  tutelage,  de 
cided  to  admit  them,  together  with  their  fellow-refugees,  the  Algonkin 
Nanticokes  from  the  Eastern  Shore  of  Maryland,  to  the  full  honors  of  the 
confederacy.  The  step  received  the  commendation  of  so  shrewd  a  judge  as 
Colonel  (afterwards  Sir  William)  Johnson.  At  a  great  council  of  the  Six 
Nations,  held  at  Onondaga  in  September,  1753,  Colonel  Johnson  congratu 
lated  the  Cayugas  on  the  resolution  they  had  formed  of  "strengthening  their 
castle  "  by  taking  in  the  Tedarighroones.*  At  about  the  same  time  a  band 
of  Delawares  was  received  into  the  League.  When  a  great  council  was  to 
be  convened  in  1756,  to  confer  with  Colonel  Johnson  on  the  subject  of  the 
French  war,  wampum  belts  were  sent  to  nine  "nations"  of  the 
confederacy.!  From  this  time  the  chiefs  of  the  Tuteloes,  as  well  as  o 
the  Nanticokes  and  the  Delawares,  took  their  seats  in  the  Council  of  the 
League,  a  position  which  they  still  hold  in  the  Canadian  branch  of  the  con 
federacy,  though  the  tribes  whom  they  represent  have  ceased  to  exist  as 
such,  and  have  become  absorbed  in  the  larger  nations. 

It  would  sesin,  however,  that  their  removal  from  their  lands  on  the  Sus- 
quehanna  to  the  proper  territory  of  the  Six  Nations  did  not  take  place  im 
mediately  after  their  reception  into  the  League,  and  perhaps  was  never 
wholly  completed.  In  an  "account  of  the  location  of  the  Indian  tribes," 
prepared  by  Sir  William  Johnson  in  November,  1763,  the  four  small  tribes 
of  "Nanticokes,  Conoys,  Tutecoes  [an  evident  misprint]  and  Saponeys," 
are  bracketed  together  in  the  list  as  mustering  in  all  two  hundred  men,  and 
are  described  as  "a  people  removed  from  the  southward,  and  settled  on  or 
about  the  Susquehanna,  on  lands  allotted  by  the  Six  Nations.  "J 

Though  the  Tuteloes  were  thus  recognized  as  one  of  the  nations  of  the 

*  N.  Y.  Hist,  Col.  Vol.  vi,  p.  811. 

t  Stone's  Life  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  Vol.  1,  p.  484. 

I  Ibid.,  Vol.  ii,  p.  487. 


Hale.]  [March  2, 

confederacy,  and  as  such  kept  up  their  distinct  tribal  organization,  they  were 
regarded  as  being  in  a  special  manner  the  friends  and  allies  of  the  Cay- 
ugas.  The  latter,  a  tribe  always  noted  for  their  kindly  temper,  received  the 
new  comers  within  their  territory,  and  gave  them  a  site  for  their  town, 
which  of  course  brought  with  it  the  hunting  and  fishing  privileges  neces 
sary  for  their  existence.  The  principal  Cayuga  villages  were  clustered 
about  the  lake  to  which  the  nation  has  given  its  name.  South  of  them  lay 
the  land  assigned  to  the  Tuteloes.  Their  chief  settlement,  according  to  a 
careful  observer,  was  on  the  east  side  of  Cayuga  inlet,  about  three  miles 
from  the  south  end  of  Cayuga  lake,  and  two  miles  south  of  Ithaca.  "The 
town  was  on  the  high  ground  south  of  the  school-house,  nearly  opposite 
Buttermilk  Falls,  on  the  farm  of  James  Fleming.  On  the  Guy  Johnson's 
map  of  1771,  it  figures  (by  a  slight  misprint)  as  Todevigh-rono.  It  was 
called  in  the  Journal  of  General  Dearborn,  Coreorgonel ;  in  the  Journal  of 
George  Grant  (1779),  Dehoriss-kanadia ;  and  on  a  map  made  about  the 
same  date  Kayeghtalagealat."* 

The  town  was  destroyed  in  1779  by  General  Sullivan,  in  the  expedition 
which  avenged,  so  disastrously  for  the  Six  Nations,  the  ravages  committed 
by  them  upon  the  settlements  of  their  white  neighbors.  The  result,  as  is 
well  known,  was  the  destruction  of  the  ancient  confederacy.  Of  the  broken 
tribes,  some  fragments  remained  in  their  original  seats,  submitting  to  the 
conquerors.  All  the  Mohawks,  the  greater  part  of  the  Cayugas,  about  half  of 
the  Onondagas,  and  many  of  the  Oneidas,  with  a  few  of  the  Senecas  and 
Tuscaroras,  followed  Brant  to  Canada.  The  British  government  furnished 
them  with  lands,  mostly  along  the  Grand  River,  in  the  territory  which  in 
ancient  times  had  been  conquered  by  the  Iroquois  from  the  people  who 
were  styled  the  Neutral  Nation.  The  Tuteloes  accompanied  their  friends 
the  Cayugas.  A  place  was  found  for  them  in  a  locality  which  seemed  at 
the  time  attractive  and  desirable,  but  which  proved  most  unfortunate  for 
them.  They  built  their  town  on  a  pleasant  elevation,  which  stretches  along 
the  western  bank  of  the  Grand  River,  and  still  bears  the  name  of  Tutelo 
Heights.  Under  this  name  it  now  forms  a  suburb  of  the  city  of  Brantford. 

Fifty  years  ago,  when  ths  presant  city  was  a  mere  hamlet,  occupied  by 
a  few  venturous  Indian  traders  and  pioneers,  the  Tutelo  cabins  were  scat 
tered  over  these  heights,  having  in  the  midst  their  "long-house  "  in  which 
their  tribal  councils  ware  hold,  and  tli3ir  festivals  calebrated.  They  are 
said  to  have  numbered  then  about  two  hundred  souls.  They  retained  ap 
parently  the  reckless  habits  and  love  of  enjoyment  which  had  distin 
guished  them  in  former  times.  Old  people  still  remember  the  uproar  of  the 
dances  which  enlivened  their  council-house.  Unhappily,  the  position  of 

*Iam  indebted  for  this  and  much  other  valuable  information  to  my  friend 
General  John  S.  Clark,  of  Auburn,  N.  Y.,  who  has  made  the  location  and  mi«-ra- 
tions  of  the  Indian  tribes  the  subject  of  a  special  study.  Of  the  above  names 
Dehorlss  kanadia  is  apparently  %  corruption  of  the  Mohawk  words  Tehoteriqh 
kanada,  Tutelo  town.  The  other  words  are  probably,  like  most  Indian  names 
of  places,  descriptive  designations,  but  are  too  much  corrupted  to  be  satisfac 
torily  deciphered. 


9' 
^*,.j  [Hale. 

their  town  brought  them  into  direct  contact  with  the  white  settlements. 
Their  frames,  enfeebled  by  dissipation,  were  an  easy  prey  to  the  diseases 
which  followed  in  the  track  of  the  new  population.  In  1833,  the  Asiatic 
cholera  found  many  victims  on  the  Indian  Reserve.  The  Tuteloes,  in  pro 
portion  to  their  numbers,  suffered  the  most.  The  greater  part  of  the  tribe 
perished.  Those  who  escaped  clung  to  their  habitations  a  few  years  longer. 
But  the  second  visitation  of  the  dreadful  plague  in  1848  completed  the 
work  of  the  first.  The  Tutelo  nation  ceased  to  exist.  The  few  survivors 
fled  from  the  Heights  to  which  they  have  left  their  name,  and  took  refuge 
among  their  Cayuga  friends.  By  intermarriage  with  these  allies,  the  small 
remnant  was  soon  absorbed  ;  and  in  the  year  1870,  only  one  Tutelo  of  the 
full  blood  was  known  to  be  living,  the  last  survivor  of  the  tribe  of  stalwart 
hunters  and  daring  warriors  whom  Lawson  encountered  in  Carolina  a  hun 
dred  and  seventy  years  before. 

This  last  surviving  Tutelo  lived  among  the  Cayugas,  and  was  known  to 
them  by  the  name  of  Nikonha.  Okonha  in  the  Cayuga  dialect  signifies 
mosquito.  Nikonha  was  sometimes,  in  answer  to  my  inquiries,  rendered 
"mosquito,"  and  sometimes  "little,"  perhaps  in  the  sense  of  mosquito- 
like.  His  Tutelo  name  was  said  to  be  Waskiteng  ;  its  meaning  could  not 
be  ascertained,  and  it  was  perhaps  merely  a  corruption  of  the  English  word 
mosquito.  At  all  events,  it  was  by  the  rather  odd  cognomen  of  "Old 
Mosquito,"  that  he  was  commonly  known  among  the  whites  ;  and  he  was 
even  so  designated,  I  believe,  in  the  pension  list,  in  which  he  had  a  place 
as  having  served  in  the  war  of  1812.  What  in  common  repute  was  deemed 
to  be  the  most  notable  fact  in  regard  to  him  was  his  great  age.  He  was 
considered  by  far  the  oldest  man  on  the  Reserve.  His  age  was  said  to  ex 
ceed  a  century  ;  and  in  confirmation  of  this  opinion  it  was  related  that  he 
had  fought  under  Brant  in  the  American  war  of  Independence.  My  friend, 
Chief  George  Johnson,  the  government  interpreter,  accompanied  us  to  the 
residence  of  the  old  man,  a  log  cabin,  built  on  a  small  eminence  near  the 
centre  of  the  Reserve.  His  appearance,  as  we  first  saw  him,  basking  in  the 
sunshine  on  the  slope  before  his  cabin,  confirmed  the  reports  which  I  had 
heard,  both  of  his  great  age  and  of  his  marked  intelligence.  "  A  wrinkled, 
smiling  countenance,  a  high  forehead,  half-shut  eyes,  white  hair,  a 
scanty,  stubbly  beard,  fingers  bent  with  age  like  a  bird's  claws, "  is  the 
description  recorded  in  my  note-book.  Not  only  in  physiognomy,  but 
also  in  demeanor  and  character,  he  differed  strikingly  from  the  grave  and 
composed  Iroquois  among  whom  he  dwelt.  The  lively,  mirthful  disposi 
tion  of  his  race  survived  in  full  force  in  its  latest  member.  His  replies  to 
our  inquiries  were  intermingled  with  many  jocose  remarks,  and  much 
good-humored  laughter. 

He  was  married  to  a  Cayuga  wife,  and  for  many  years  had  spoken  only 
the  language  of  her  people.  But  he  had  not  forgotten  his  proper  speech, 
and  readily  gave  us  the  Tutelo  renderings  t>f  nearly  a  hundred  words.  At 
that  time  my  only  knowledge  of  the  Tuteloes  had  been  derived  from  the 
few  notices  comprised  in  Gallatin's  Synopsis  of  the  Indian  Tribes,  where 

PROC.  AMER.  PHILOS.  SOC.  XXI.  114.  B.      PRINTED  MARCH  26,  1883. 


Hale.]  [March  2, 

they  are  classed  with  the  nations  of  the  Huron-Iroquois  stock.  At  the 
same  time,  the  distinguished  author,  with  the  scientific  caution  which 
marked  all  his  writings,  is  careful  to  mention  that  no  vocabulary  of  the 
language  was  known.  That  which  was  now  obtained  showed,  beyond 
question,  that  the  language  was  totally  distinct  from  the  Huron-Iroquois 
tongues,  and  that  it  was  closely  allied  to  the  languages  of  the  Dacota  a 
family. 

The  discovery  of  a  tribe  of  Dakota  lineage  near  the  Atlantic  coast  was 
so  unexpected  and  surprising  that  at  first  it  was  natural  to  suspect  some 
mistake.  The  idea  occurred  that  the  old  Tutelo  might  have  been  a  Sioux 
captive,  taken  in  the  wars  which  were  anciently  waged  between  the  Iro- 
quois  and  the  tribes  of  the  far  West.  With  the  view  of  determining  this 
point,  I  took  the  first  opportunity,  on  my  next  visit  to  the  Reserve,  in 
October,  1870,  of  questioning  the  old  man  about  his  early  history,  and 
that  of  his  people.  His  answers  soon  removed  all  doubt.  He  believed 
himself  to  be  a  hundred  and  six  years  old  ;  and  if  so,  his  earliest  recollec 
tions  would  go  back  to  a  time  preceding  by  some  years  the  Revolutionary 
war.  At  that  time  his  people,  the  Tuteloes,  were  living  in  the  neighbor 
hood  of  two  other  tribes,  the  Saponies  and  the  Patshenins  or  Botshenins. 
In  the  latter  we  may  perhaps  recognize  the  Ochineeches,  whom  Governor 
Spotteswood.  in  1702,  enumerated  with  the  Saponies,  Toteroes,  and  two 
other  tribes,  under  the  general  name  of  Christanna  Indians.  The  Sapo 
nies  and  Tuteloes,  old  Nikonha  said,  could  understand  one  another's 
speech.  About  the  language  of  the  Patshenins,  I  neglected  to  inquire,  but 
they  were  mentioned  with  the  Saponies  as  a  companion  tribe.  When 
the  Tuteloes  came  to  Canada  with  Brant,  they  parted  with  the  Saponies  at 
Niagara  Falls,  and  he  did  not  know  what  had  become  of  them.  His 
father's  name  was  Onusowa  ;  he  was  a  chief  among  the  Tuteloes.  His 
mother  (who  was  also  a  Tutelo),  died  when  he  was  young,  and  he  was 
brought  up  by  an  uncle.  He  had  heard  from  old  men  that  the  Tuteloes 
formerly  lived  on  a  great  river  beyond  Washington,  which  city  he  knew  by 
that  name.  In  early  times  they  were  a  large  tribe,  but  had  wasted  away 
through  fighting.  Their  war  parties  used  to  go  out  frequently  against 
various  enemies.  The  tribes  they  most  commonly  fought  with  were  the 
Tuscaroras,  Senecas,  and  Cayugas.  Afterwards  his  tribe  came  to  Niagara 
(as  he  expressed  it),  and  joined  the  Six  Nations.  He  knew  of  no  Tutelo 
of  the  full  blood  now  living,  except  himself. 

This,  with  some  additions  to  my  vocabulary,  was  the  last  information 
which  I  received  from  old  Waskiteng,  or  Nikonha.  He  died  a  few 
months  later  (on  the  21st  of  February,  1871),  before  I  had  an  opportunity 
of  again  visiting  the  Reserve.  There  are,  however,  several  half-castes, 
children  of  Tutelo  mothers  by  Iroquois  fathers,  who  know  the  language, 
and  by  the  native  law  (which  traces  descent  through  the  female)  are  held 
to  be  Tuteloes.  One  of  them,  who  sat  in  the  council  as  the  representative 
of  the  tribe,  and  who,  with  a  conservatism  worthy  of  the  days  of  old  Sarum, 
was  allowed  to  retain  his  seat  after  his  constituency  had  disappeared,  was 


1883.]  [Hale. 

accustomed  to  amuse  his  grave  fellow-senators  occasionally  by  asserting 
the  right  which  each  councillor  possesses  of  addressing  the  council  in  the 
language  of  his  people, — his  speech,  if  necessity  requires,  being  translated 
by  an  interpreter.  In  the  case  of  the  Tutelo  chief  the  jest,  which  was  duly 
appreciated,  lay  in  the  fact  that  the  interpreters  were  dumfounded,  and 
that  the  eloquence  uttered  in  an  unknown  tongue  had  to  go  without  reply. 
From  this  chief,  and  from  his  aunt,  an  elderly  dame,  whose  daughter 
was  the  wife  of  a  leading  Onondaga  chief,  I  received  a  sufficient  number 
of  words  and  phrases  of  the  language  to  give  a  good  idea  of  its  grammati 
cal  framework.  Fortunately,  the  list  of  words  obtained  from  the  old  Tutelo 
was  extensive  enough  to  afford  a  test  of  the  correctness  of  the  additional 
information  thus  procured.  The  vocabulary  and  the  outlines  of  grammar 
which  have  been  derived  from  these  sources  may,  therefore,  as  far  as  they 
extend,  be  accepted  as  affording  an  authentic  representation  of  this  very 
interesting  speech. 

There  is  still,  it  should  be  added,  some  uncertainty  in  regard  to  the  tribal 
name.  So  far  as  can  be  learned,  the  word  Tutelo  or  Totero  (which  in 
the  Iroquois  dialects  is  variously  pronounced  Tiuterih  or  Tehotirigh,  Te- 
hutili,  Tiutei  and  Tutie)  has  no  meaning  either  in  the  Tutelo  or  the  Iro 
quois  language.  It  may  have  been  originally  a  mere  local  designation, 
which  has  accompanied  the  tribe,  as  such  names  sometimes  do,  in  its  sub 
sequent  migrations.  Both  of  my  semi-Tutelo  informants  assured  me  that 
the  proper  national  name — or  the  name  by  which  the  people  were  desig 
nated  among  themselves — was  Yesang  or  Yesah.,  the  last  syllable  having 
a  faint  nasal  sound,  which  was  sometimes  barely  audible.  In  this  word 
we  probably  see  the  origin  of  the  name,  Nahyssan,  applied  by  Lederer  to 
the  tribes  of  this  stock.  John  Lederer  was  a  German  traveler  who  in 
May,  1670 — a  year  before  Captain  Batt's  expedition  to  the  Alleghenies — 
undertook,  at  the  charge  of  the  colonial  government,  an  exploring  jour 
ney  in  the  same  direction,  though  not  with  equal  success.  He  made,  how 
ever,  some  interesting  discoveries.  Starting  from  the  Falls  of  the  James 
river,  he  came,  after  twenty  days  of  travel,  to  "Sapon,  a  village  of  the 
Nahyssans,"  situate  on  a  branch  of  the  Roanoke  river.  These  were,  un 
doubtedly,  the  Saponas  whom  Captain  Batt  visited  in  the  following  year,  the 
kindred  and  allies  of  the  Tuteloes.  Fifty  miles  beyond  Sapon  he  arrived 
at  Akenatzy,  an  island  in  the  same  river.  "The  island, "  he  says,  "  though 
small,  maintains  many  inhabitants,  who  are  fixed  in  great  security,  being 
naturally  fortified  with  fastnesses  of  mountains  and  water  on  every 
side."*  In  these  Akenatzies  we  undoubtedly  see  the  Aconechos  of 
Lawson,  and  the  Ochineeches  mentioned  by  Governor  Spotteswood.  Dr. 
Brinton,  in  his  well-known  work  on  the  "Myths  of  the  New  World,"  has 
pointed  out,  also,  their  identity  with  the  Occaneeches  mentioned  by  Bever- 
ley  in  his  "History  of  Virginia,"  and  in  doing  so  has  drawn  attention  to 

*  See  "  The  Discoveries  of  John  Lederer,'1'1  reprinted  by  O.  H.  Harpel.    Cincin 
nati,  1879,  p.  17. 


1883.1 


12  [March  2, 


the  very  interesting  facts  recorded  by  Beverley  respecting  their  lan 
guage.*  . 

According  to  this  historian,  the  tribes  of  Virginia  spoke  languages  differ 
ing  so  widely  that  natives  "at  a  moderate  distance"  apart  drd  not  under 
stand  one  another.  They  had,  however,  a  "general  language,"  which 
people  of  different  tribes  used  in  their  intercourse  with  one  another,  pre 
cisely  as  the  Indians  of  the  north,  according  to  La  Hontan,  used  the  "Al- 
gonkine,"  and  as  Latin  was  employed  in  most  parts  of  Europe,  and  the 
Lingua  Franca  in  the  Levant.  These  are  Beverley's  illustrations.  He 
then  adds  the  remarkable  statement:  "The  general  language  here  used  is 
that  of  the  Occaneeches,  though  they  have  been  but  a  small  nation  ever 
since  these  parts  were  known  to  the  English  ;  but  in  what  their  language 
may  differ  from  that  of  the  Algonkins  I  am  not  able  to  determine."! 
Further  on  he  gives  us  the  still  more  surprising  information  thai,  this  "gen 
eral  language"  was  used  by  the  "priests  and  conjurors"  of  the  different 
Virginian  nations  in  performing  their  religious  ceremonies,  in  the  same 
manner  (he  observes)  "as  the  Catholics  of  all  nations  do  their  Mass  in 
the  Latin.  "^ 

The  Akenatzies  or  Occaneeches  would  seem  to  have  been,  in  some 
respects,  the  chief  or  leading  community  among  the  tribes  of  Dakotan 
stock  who  formerly  inhabited  Virginia.  That  these  tribes  had  at  one 
time  a  large  and  widespread  population  may  be  inferred  from  the  simple 
fact  that  their  language,  like  that  of  the  widely  scattered  Algonkins  (or 
Ojibways)  in  the  northwest,  became  the  general  medium  of  communica 
tion  for  the  people  of  different  nationalities  in  their  neighborhood.  That 
they  had  some  ceremonial  observances  (or,  as  Beverley  terms  them,  "ado 
rations  and  conjurations")  of  a  peculiar  and  impressive  cast,  like  those  of 
the  western  Dakotas,  seems  evident  from  the  circumstance  that  the  intru 
sive  tribes  adopted  this  language,  and  probably  with  it  some  of  these  ob 
servances,  in  performing  their  own  religious  rites.  "We  thus  have  a  strong 
and  unexpected  confirmation  of  the  tradition  prevailing  among  the  tribes 
both  of  the  Algonkin  and  of  the  Iroquois  stocks,  which  represents  them 
as  coming  originally  from  the  far  north,  and  gradually  overspreading  the 
country  on  both  sides  of  the  Alleghanies,  from  the  Great  Lakes  to  the  moun 
tain  fastnesses  of  the  Cherokees.  They  found,  it  would  seem,  Virginia,  and 
possibly  the  whole  country  east  of  the  Alleghenies,  from  the  Great  Lakes  to 
South  Carolina,  occupied  by  tribes  speaking  languages  of  the  Dakotan 
stock.  That  the  displacement  of  these  tribes  was  a  very  gradual  process, 
and  that  the  relations  between  the  natives  and  the  encroaching  tribes  were 
not  always  hostile,  may  be  inferred  not  only  from  the  adoption  of  the  ab 
original  speech  as  the  general  means  of  intercourse,  but  also  from  the 
terms  of  amity  on  which  these  tribes  of  diverse  origin,  native  and  intru 
sive,  were  found  by  the  English  to  be  living  together. 

*  See  the  note  on  page  303  of  Dr  Brinton's  volume,  2d  edition, 
t  History  of  Virginia  (1st  edition),  p.  161. 
J  Ibid.,  p.  171. 


1883.]  [Hale. 

That  the  Tutelo  tongue  represents  this  "general  language"  of  which 
Beverley  speaks — this  aboriginal  Latin  of  Virginia — cannot  be  doubted. 
It  may,  therefore  be  deemed  a  language  of  no  small  historical  impor 
tance.  The  fact  that  this  language,  which  was  first  obscurely  heard  of  in 
Virginia  two  hundred  years  ago,  has  been  brought  to  light  in  our  day  on 
a  far-off  Reservation  in  Canada,  and  there  learned  from  the  lips  of  the 
latest  surviving  member  of  this  ancient  community,  must  certainly  be 
considered  one  of  the  most  singular  occurrences  in  the  history  of  science. 

Apart  from  the  mere  historical  interest  of  the  language,  its  scientific 
value  in  American  ethnology  entitles  it  to  a  careful  study.  As  has  been 
already  said,  a  comparison  of  its  grammar  and  vocabulary  with  those  of 
the  western  Dakota  tongues  has  led  to  the  inference  that  the  Tutelo 
language  was  the  older  form  of  this  common  speech.  This  conclusion 
was  briefly  set  forth  in  some  remarks  which  I  had  the  honor  of  addressing 
to  this  Society  at  the  meeting  of  December  19,  1879,  and  is  recorded  in 
the  published  minutes  of  the  meeting.  Some  years  afterwards,  and  after 
the  earlier  portion  of  this  essay  was  written,  I  had  the  pleasure,  at  the 
meeting  of  the  American  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science,  held 
in  Montreal,  in  September,  1883,  of  learning  from  my  friend,  the  Rev.  J. 
Owen  Dorsey,  of  the  Smithsonian  Institution,  who  has  resided  for  several 
years  as  a  missionary  among  the  western  Dakotas,  and  has  made  careful 
researches  into  their  languages  and  history,  that  they  have  a  distinct  tra 
dition  that  their  ancestors  formerly  dwelt  east  of  the  Mississippi.  In  fact, 
the  more  southern  Dakotas  declare  their  tribes  to  be  offshoots  of  the  Win- 
nebagoes,  who  till  recently  resided  near  the  western  shore  of  Lake  Michi 
gan.  A  comparison  of  their  dialects,  made  with  Mr.  Dorsey's  aid,  fully 
sustains  this  assertion.  Mere  traditionary  evidence,  as  is  well  known, 
cannot  always  be  relied  on ;  but  when  it  corresponds  with  conclusions 
previously  drawn  from  linguistic  evidence,  it  has  a  weight  which  renders 
it  a  valuable  confirmation. 

The  portrait  of  old  Nikonha,  an  accurate  photograph,  will  serve  to  show, 
better  than  any  description  could  do,  the  characteristics  of  race  which  dis 
tinguished  his  people.  The  full  oval  outline  of  face,  and  the  large  features 
of  almost  European  cast,  were  evidently  not  individual  or  family  traits, 
as  they  reappear  in  the  Tutelo  half-breeds  on  the  Reserve,  who  do  not 
claim  a  near  relationship  to  Nikonha.  Those  who  are  familiar  with  the 
Dakotan  physiognomy  will  probably  discover  a  resemblance  of  type  be 
tween  this  last  representative  of  the  Virginian  Tutelosand  their  congeners, 
the  Sioux  and  Mandans  of  the  western  plains. 

.THE  TUTELO  LANGUAGE. 

In  the  following  outline  of  Tutelo  grammar,  it  has  bean  deemed  advis 
able  to  bring  its  forms  into  comparison  with  those  of  the  western  lan 
guages  of  the  same  stock.  For  this  purpose  the  Dakota  and  Hidatsa  (or 
Minnetaree)  languages  were  necessarily  selected,  being  the  only  tongues 
of  this  family  of  which  any  complete  account  has  yet  been  published. 


Hale.]  [Me.rch  2, 

For  the  information  respecting  these  languages  I  am  indebted  to  the  Da 
kota  Grammar  and  Dictionary  of  the  Rev.  S.  R.  Riggs  (published  in  the 
Smithsonian  Contributions  to  Knowledge)  and  the  Hidatsa  Grammar  and 
Dictionary  of  Dr.  Washington  Matthews  (published  in  Dr.  Shea's  Library 
of  American  Linguistics),  both  of  them  excellent  works,  of  the  .highest 
scientific  value. 

The  Alphabet. 

The  alphabetical  method  which  has  been  followed  by  me  in  writing  this 
language,  as  well  as  the  Iroquois  dialects,  is  based  on  the  well-known  system 
proposed  by  the  Hon.  John  Pickering,  and  generally  followed  by  Ameri 
can  missionaries,  whose  experience  has  attested  its  value.  The  modifica 
tions  suggested  for  the  Indian  languages  by  Professor  Whitney  and  Major 
Powell  have  been  adopted,  with  a  few  exceptions,  which  are  due  chiefly 
to  a  desire  to  employ  no  characters  that  are  not  found  in  any  well-fur 
nished  printing-office. 

The  letters  b,  d,  h,  k,  I,  m,  n,  p,  s,  t,  w,  y,  z  are  sounded  as  in  English, 
the  s  having  always  its  sharp  sound,  as  in  mason.  The  vowels  are  sounded 
generally  as  in  Italian  or  German,  with  some  modifications  expressed  by 
diacritical  marks,  thus : 

a,  as  in  father ;  in  accented  syllables  written  a. 
a,  like  the  German  a  in  Mann. 
a,  like  a  in  mat. 

a,  like  a  in  fall. 

e,  like  a  in  fate  ;  in  accented  syllables  e. 

e,  like  e  in  met. 

i,  like  i  in  machine  ;  in  accented  syllables  ». 

I,  like  i  in  pin. 

o,  as  in  note  ;  in  accented  syllables  d. 

o,  like  the  French  o  in  bonne. 

b,  like  o  in  not. 

u,  as  in  rule,  or  like  oo  in  pool ;  in  accented  syllables  u. 
u,  like  u  in  pull, 

u,  like  u  in  bat;  in  an  accented  syllable  written  it. 
u,  like  the  French  u  in  dur. 

The  diphthongs  are,  ai,  like  our  long  i  in  pine  ;  an,  like  ou  in  loud  ;  ai, 
like  oi  in  boil ;  iu,  like  u  in  pure. 

The  consonants  requiring  special  notice  are: 

5,  like  sh  in  shine. 

g,  always  hard,  as  in  go,  get,  give. 

j,  like  z  m. azure. 

n,  like  the  French  nasal  n  in  an,  bont  un. 

q,  like  the  German  ch  in  Loch,  or  the  Spanish  j  in  joun 


1883.]  [Hale. 

The  sound  of  the  English  ch  in  cJiest  is  represented  by  fy  ;  the  j  and  dg 
in  judge  by  dj. 

The  apostrophe  (')  indicates  a  slight  hiatus  in  the  pronounciation  of  a 
word,  which  is  often,  though  not  always,  caused  by  the  dropping  of  a  con 
sonantal  sound. 

In  general,  the  diacritical  marks  over  the  vowels  are  omitted,  except  in  the 
accented  syllable  —  that  is,  the  syllable  on  which  the  stress  of  voice  falls. 
It  is  understood  that  when  a  vowel  (other  than  the  u)  has  a  mark  of  any 
kind  over  it,  the  syllable  in  which  it  occurs  is  the  accented  or  emphatic 
syllable  of  the  word.  Experience  shows  that  the  variations  in  the  sound 
of  a  vowel  in  unaccented  syllables,  within  the  limits  represented  by  the 
foregoing  alphabet,  are  rarely  of  sufficient  importance  to  require  to  be 
noted  in  taking  down  a  new  language.  The  only  exception  is  in  the 
sound  marked  u,  which  occasionally  has  to  be  indicated  in  unaccented 
syllables,  to  distinguish  it  from  the  u,  with  which  it  has  no  similarity  of 
sound  .  It  is,  in  fact,  more  frequently  a  variation  of  the  a  than  of  any 
other  vowel  sound. 

Occasionally  the  accented  syllable  is  indicated  by  an  acute  accent  over 
the  vowel.  This  method  is  adopted  principally  when  the  vowel  has  a  brief 
or  obscure  sound,  as  in  misani,  I  alone,  which  is  pronounced  in  a  manner 
midway  between  misani  and  misuni. 

Phonology. 

The  Tutelo  has  the  ordinary  vowel  sounds,  but  the  distinction  between 
e  and  i,  and  between  o  and  u  is  not  always  clear.  The  word  for  "  mother" 
was  at  one  time  written  hend,  and  at  another  ina  ;  the  word  for  "he 
steals"  was  heard  as  manoma  and  manuma.  In  general,  however,  the 
difference  of  these  vowels  was  sufficiently  apparent.  The  obscure  sound 
of  u  (or  in  accented  syllables  it)  was  often  heard,  but  when  the  word 
in  which  it  occurred  was  more  distinctly  uttered,  this  sound  was  frequently 
developed  into  a  clearer  vowel.  Thus  liustdi,  arm,  became  histo  ;  miiste, 
spring  (the  season),  became  maste  ;  asuni,  white,  became  asdm,  or  (losing 
the  nasal  sound)  asdi,  and  so  on.  The  use  of  the  character  u  (or  u)  in  this 
language  could  probably  be  dispensed  with. 

The  consonantal  sounds  which  were  heard  were:  p  (or  6),  t  (ord),  &(or</), 
h  (and  q),  I,  m,  n,  s,  w  and  y,  and  the  nasal  n.  Neither/,  v,  nor  r  was  heard, 
and  <j  (s/0  only  as  a  variant  of  «.  Harsh  combinations  of  consonants  were 
rare.  The  harshest  was  that  of  tsk,  as  in  wagutska,  child,  and  this  was  not 
frequent.*  Words  usually  end  in  a  vowel  or  a  liquid.  A  double  con  - 


*  In  wagutska  (Dakota,  koqka),  suntka,  younger  brother  (Dak.,  sunka)  ; 
or  t^uTiki,  dog  (Dak.,  cunka)  and  many  similar  words,  the  t  is  apparently  an  ad- 
scititious  sound,  inserted  by  a  mere  trick  of  pronunciation.  The  Hidatsa  carries 
this  practice  further,  and  constantly  introduces  the  sound  oft  before  the  sharp 
s.  The  Tutelo  m,  foot,  becomes  itsi  in  Hidataa;  sani,  cold,  becomes  tsinia,  &c 


Hale.]  [March  2, 

sonant  at  the  commencement  of  a  word  is  rare.  It  perhaps  only  occurs 
in  the  combination  ^  (tsh)  and  in  contractions,  as  ksdnkai,  nine,  for 
kasdnkai. 

It  is  doubtful  if  the  sonants  b,  d  and  g  occur,  except  as  variants  of  the 
surd  consonants  p,  t  and  k  ;  yet  in  certain  words  sonants  were  pretty  con 
stantly  used.  Thus  in  the  pronouns  minfitowe,  mine,  yingltowe,  thine, 
injitowe,  his,  the  g  was  almost  always  sounded. 

The  I  and  n  were  occasionally  interchanged,  as  in  Idni  and  ndni,  three, 
lefqi  and  netqi,  tongue.  In  general,  however,  the  two  elements  seemed  to 
be  distinct.  The  aspirate  was  somewhat  stronger  than  the  English  h, 
and  frequently  assumed  the  force  of  the  German  ch  or  the  Spanish.;  (rep 
resented  in  our  alphabet  by  <?).  Whether  there  were  really  two  distinct 
sounds  or  not,  could  not  be  positively  ascertained.  The  same  word  was 
written  at  one  time  with  h,  and  at  another  with  q. 

The  nasal  n  is  properly  a  modification  of  the  preceding  vowel,  and  would 
have  been  more  adequately  rendered  by  a  mark  above  or  below  the  vowel 
itself ;  but  it  has  seemed  desirable  to  avoid  the  multiplication  of  such  dia 
critical  marks.  This  nasal  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  the  sound  of  ng 
in  ring,  which  is  a  distinct  consonantal  element,  and  in  the  Polynesian 
dialects  often  commences  a  word.  In  the  Tutelo  this  latter  sound  only 
occurs  before  a  &  or  hard  g,  and  is  then  represented  by  n.  It  is,  in  fact, 
in  this  position,  merely  the  French  nasal  sound,  modified  by  the  palatal 
consonant.  The  nasal  n  is  also  modified  by  the  labials  b  and  p,  before 
which  it  assumes  the  sound  of  m.  Thus  the  Tutelo  word  for  clay,  nahdmbi, 
or  (in  the  construct  form)  nahdrnp,  is  properly  a  modification  of  nahdnbi 
or  nahdnp.  In  all  words  in  which  it  occurs,  the  nasal  sound  was  at  times 
very  faintly  heard,  and  was  occasionally  so  little  audible  that  it  was  not 
noted,  while  at  other  times  an  n  was  heard  in  its  place.  The  word  for  knife 
was  written  at  different  times  maseni  and  masdi;  that  for  sky,  matoni,  matoi, 
mantdl,  and  mantoi ;  that  for  day,  nahdmbi,  nahdmp,  nahdnp,  and  nalidp  ; 
that  for  winter,  wane,  icdneni,  and  wanei;  that  for  one,  nos  and  nons,  and 
so  on.  Whether  this  indistinctness  of  the  nasal  sound  belongs  to  the  lan 
guage,  or  was  a  peculiarity  of  the  individuals  from  whom  the  speech  was 
learned,  could  not  be  satisfactorily  determined. 

The  tendency  of  the  language,  as  has  been  said,  is  to  terminate  every 
word  with  a  vowel  sound.  When  a  monosyllable  or  dissyllable  ends  with 
a  consonant,  it  is  usually  in  a  construct  form,  and  is  followed  by  another 
word  grammatically  related  to  it.  Thus,  hiaepi,  axe,  hisep  minjitowe,  my 
axe  ;  monti,  a  bear,  mont  nosd,  one  bear ;  tqonjo  (or  tqonki),  dog,  tqbnk 
eplsel,  good  dog  ;  nahdmbi,  day,  nahdmp  lani,  three  days. 

The  following  brief  comparative  list,  extracted  from  the  more  extensive 
vocabulary  hereafter  given,  will  show  the  forms  which  similar  words  take 
in  the  allied  dialects,  Tutelo,  Dakota  (or  Sioux  proper)  and  Hidatsa  (or 
Minnetaree)  : 


1833.] 


17 


[Hale. 


Tutelo. 

Dakota. 

Hidatsa. 

ati 

ate 

ati 

father 

Ind,  hend,  henun 

ina 

hinu,  Jin,  ikiis 

mother 

tdyutc.kai 

takoqku,  tqinkqi 

idiqi 

son 

suntka 

sunka 

tsuka 

younger  brother 

1h,  ihl 

i 

i 

mouth 

nelqi,  netsi,  leiqi 

t$eji 

neji 

tongue 

i?ii 

hi 

t,  is  a,  hi 

tooth 

loti 

dote 

doti,  loti 

throat 

ul 

siha 

itsi 

foot 

wasut 

nasu 

tsuata 

brain 

icdyl,  wayli 

we 

idi 

blood 

ati 

tipi 

ati 

house 

maseni,  masdi 

imn,  minna 

maetsi 

knife 

ml 

wi 

midi 

sun  (or  moon) 

nihdmpi,  nihdnpi 

anpetu 

mape 

day 

manj, 

mini 

mini 

water 

amdni,  amdi 

maka, 

ama 

land 

tcilnki,  t^ongo 

$unka, 

manuka 

dog 

udneni,  udnei 

wani 

mana 

winter 

tani 

ptan 

mata, 

autumn 

asdni,  asdi,  asei 

san 

atuki,  oliiiki 

white 

asepi 

sapa 

$ipi 

black 

dli,  wdsi 

zi 

tsi,  tsidi 

yellow 

te 

ta 

te 

dead 

sani 

sni 

tsinia 

cold 

nosdi,  non$ 

wanted,  want^i 

nuets,  luetsa 

one 

nombdi 

nonpa 

nopa 

two 

ndni,  Idni 

yamni 

ddmi,  lawi 

three 

topai 

topa 

topa 

four 

kisdhai 

zaptan 

kihu 

five 

akdspe 

qakpe 

akama,  akawa 

six 

sdgomirik 

qakowin 

sapua 

seven 

lutob 

yuta,  wota 

duti 

to  eat 

Jiowa, 

u,  uwa 

hu 

to  come 

kitci 

wat^i 

kidiqi 

to  dance 

mahananka 

yanka,  nanka 

naka 

to  sit,  remain 

ktewa,  kitesel 

kte 

kitahe 

to  kill 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  sounds  of  m,  b,  and  w  are  inter 
changeable  in  the  Hidatsa,  and  that  d,  I,  n,  and  r  are  also  interchangeable. 
A  similar  confusion  or  interchange  of  these  elements  is  to  some  extent  ap 
parent  in  the  Dakota  and  the  Tutelo  languages.  Taking  this  fact  into 
consideration,  the  similarity  or  rather  identity  of  such  words  as  mi  in  Tu 
telo  and  wi  in  Dakota,  meaning  "sun,"  and  loti  in  Tutelo,  dote  in  Dakota, 
and  dote  or  lote  in  Hidatsa,  meaning  "brain,"  becomes  apparent. 

PROG.  AMER.  PHILOS.  SOC.  XXI.  114.  C.      PRINTED  MARCH  31,  1883. 


Hale.] 


18  [March  2, 


The  nasal  sounds,  which  are  so  common  in  the  Dakota  and  the  Tutelo, 
are  wanting  in  the  Hidatsa,  while  the  *  of  the  two  former  languages  fre 
quently  becomes  ts  in  Hidatsa.  These  dialectical  peculiarities  explain  the 
difference  between  the  words  for  younger  brother,  suntka,  Tu.,  sunka,  Da., 
tsuka,  Hi.,  between  isi,  foot,  Tu.,  and  itsi,  Hi.,  between  maseni,  knife, 
Tu.,  and  maetsi,  Hi.  It  will  be  noticed  that  the  words  in  Tuteio  are  fre 
quently  longer  and  fuller  in  sound  than  the  corresponding  words  in  the 
other  languages,  as  though  they  were  nearer  the  original  forms  from 
which  the  words  in  the  various  Dakota  tongues  were  derived. 

GRAMMATICAL  FORMS. 

As  is  usually  the  case  with  allied  tongues,  the  grammatical  resemblances 
of  the  languages  of  this  stock  are  much  more  striking  and  instructive  than 
those  which  appear  in  the  mere  comparison  of  isolated  words. 

Substantives  and  Adjectives. 

The  Tutelo,  like  the  Dakota  and  the  Hidatsa,  has  no  inflection  of  the 
substantive  to  indicate  the  plural  number;  but  in  both  the  Tutelo  and  the 
Dakota,  the  plural  of  adjectives  is  frequently  expressed  by  what  may  be 
termed  a  natural  inflection,  namely,  by  a  reduplication.  In  the  Dakota, 
according  to  Mr.  Riggs,  the  initial  syllable  is  sometimes  reduplicated,  as 
ksapa,  wise,  pi.  ksak»apa;  tanka,  great,  pi.  tanktanka;  sometimes  it  is  the 
last  syllable,  as  wacje,  good,  pi.  waqteqte ;  and  occasionally  it  is  a  middle 
syllable,  as,  tanking  an,  great,  pi.  tankinkinyan. 

Sometimes  the  adjective  in  Dakota  takes  the  suffix  pi,  which  makes  the 
plural  form  of  the  verb,  as  wa^te,  good  witqasta  wa^epi,  good  men,  i.  e. , 
they  are  good  men. 

Similar  forms  exist  in  the  Tutelo.  The  adjective,  or  some  part  of  it,  is 
reduplicated  in  the  plural,  and  at  the  same  time  a  verbal  suffix  is  fre 
quently  if  not  always  added,  thus  ;  ati  api,  good  house,  pi.  ati  apipisel, 
good  houses  (those  are  good  houses)  ;  ati  itani,  large  house,  pi.  ati  itan- 
tdnsel;  ati  okayeke,  bad  house,  pi.  ati  okay  ey  ekes  el ;  ati  asdn,  white  house, 
pi.  ati  asansdnsel.  Occasionally  the  reduplication  takes  a  peculiar  form, 
as  in  ati  kutska,  small  house,  pi.  ati  kotskatskaisel.  In  one  instance  the 
plural  differs  totally  from  the  singular  ;  atisui,  long  house,  pi.  atiyumpan- 
katskaisel. 

The  plural  verbal  termination  is  frequently  used  without  the  reduplica 
tion  ;  as,  icahtdke  bi  (or  pi),  good  man,  wahtake  biwa  (or  bite),  he  is  a  good 
man  ;  pi.  wahtake  blhla  (or  bihlese),  they  are  good  men.  So  t^onje  bise,  good 
dog  (or,  it  is  a  good  dog),  pi.  tconye  bihlese. 

The  plural  form  by  reduplication  does  not  appear  to  exist  in  the  Hi 
datsa. 

The  Rev.  J.  Owen  Dorsey,  who  has  made  a  special  study  of  the  western 
Dakota  languages,  finds  in  the  Omaha  (or  Dhegiha)  dialect  a  peculiar 
meaning  given  to  this  reduplicate  plural  of  adjectives.  The  following  ex- 


1883.1  [Hale. 

amples  will  illustrate  this  signification.  Jinga,  small,  becomes  in  the  re 
duplicate  fnrmjinjinga,  which  refers  to  small  objects  of  different  kinds  or 
sizes.  Sagl,  firm,  fast,  hard,  makes  tdnagi  or  saytyi,  which  is  employed 
as  in  the  following  example  :  uedhihide  sagijihnan  kanbdha.  I  wish  tools 
that  are  hard,  and  of  different  kinds,  them  only.  Here  the  suffix  hndn  ex 
presses  the  meaning  of  "only;"  the  reduplication  of  the  adjective  gives 
the  sense  expressed  by  the  words  "of  different  kinds."  Sdbe,  black, 
makes  sdsabe,  black  here  and  there.  Gdheje,  spotted,  becomes  gdhejdja 
spotted  in  many  places.  Plrtji,  bad,  makes  plpiaji,  as  in  u^kan  pipiaji, 
different  bad  deeds.  Nujinja  (apparently  a  compound  or  derivative  form, 
from  jinyd,  small),  means  "boy,"  i,  e.,  small  man  ;  nujinjmja,  boys  of 
different  sizes  and  ages.*  It  would  seem  from  these  examples  that  in  this 
language  the  reduplication  expresses  primarily  the  idea  of  variety,  from 
which  that  of  plurality  in  many  cases  follows.  This  meaning  is  not  indi 
cated  by  Mr.  Riggs  in  his  Dakota  grammar,  and  it  was  not  detected  by 
me  in  the  Tutelo,  but  it  is  not  impossible  that  it  actually  exists  in  both 
languages.  It  is  deserving  of  notice  that  while  no  inflection  of  the  noun  is 
found  in  the  Iroquois  to  express  plurality,  this  meaning  is  indicated  in  the 
adjective  by  the  addition  of  s,  or  hons,  affixed  to  the  adjective  when  it  is 
combined  with  the  noun.  Thus  from  kanonsa,  house,  and  ulyo,  hand 
some,  we  have  konomlyo,  handsome  house,  pi.  kanonalyos,  handsome 
houses.  So  karennaksen,  bad  song,  pi.  karennaksens,l)ad.  songs  ;  kanaka- 
res,  long  pole,  pi.  kanakaresJions,  long  poles. 

It  is  also  remarkable  that  the  peculiar  mode  of  forming  the  plural,  both 
of  substantives  and  of  adjectives,  by  reduplication  of  the  first  syllable  or 
portion  of  the  word,  is  found  in  several  Indian  languages  spoken  west  of 
the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  belonging  to  families  entirely  distinct  from  one 
another,  and  from  the  Dakota.  Thus  in  the  Selish  language  we  have 
Indus,  father,  pi.  luludus ;  tana,  ear,  pi.  tuntana;  skultamiqo,  man,  pi. 
skulkultamiqo  ;  qdest,  good,  pL  qusqdent.  In  the  Sahaptin,  pltin,  girl,  pi.  pi- 
pitin  ;  lahs,  good,  pi.  titdhs.  In  the  Kizh  language,  woroit,  man,  pi.  wororot ; 
ttynni,  small,  pi.  t$itynni.\  This  has  been  termed,  and  certainly  seems,  a 
natural  mode  of  forming  the  plural.  It  is  therefore  somewhat  surprising 
to  find  it  restricted  in  America  to  a  comparatively  small  group  of  linguistic 
families.  It  is  still  more  noteworthy  that  in  the  Polynesian  dialects,  which 
in  their  general  characteristics  differ  so  widely  from  the  Indian  languages, 
this  same  method  of  forming  the  plural  is  found,  but  confined,  as  in  the 
Dakota  tongues,  to  the  adjective  ;  thus  we  have  laau  tele,  large  tree,  pi. 
laau  tetde,  large  trees  ;  taata  maitai,  good  man,  pi.  taata  maitatai,  good 
men;  mahaki,  sick,  pi.  mahamahaki,  sick  (persons) 4  This  is  a  subject 
in  linguistic  science  which  merits  farther  investigation. 

*  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  Dorsey's  letters  for  this  and  much  other  information  of 
great  interest  respecting  the  western  languages  ot  the  Dakota  stock,  forming 
part  of  his  extensive  work,  which  we  may  hope  will  soon  be  published. 

f  Ethnography  and  Philology  of  the  U.  S.  Exploring  Expedition  under  Chas. 
Wilkes,  pp.  534,  et  seq. 

t  Ibid.,  p.  244. 


Hale.]  ^u  [March  2, 

Numerals. 

The  near  resemblance  of  the  first  seven  numerals  in  the  Tutelo,  Dakota, 
and  Hidatsa  is  sufficiently  shown  in  the  vocabulary.  The  manner  in  which 
the  compound  numbers  are  formed  is  also  similar  in  the  three  languages. 
In  the  Dakota  ake,  again,  is  prefixed  to  the  simple  numerals  to  form  the 
numbers  above  ten,  as  ake  wanjidan,  eleven  ;  ake  nonpa,  twelve.  In  the 
Tutelo  the  same  word  (usually  softened  to  age)  is  used,  as  agenosai,  eleven; 
agenombai,  twelve.  In  the  Hidatsa  aqpi  (or  ahpf),  signifying  a  part  or 
division,  is  employed,  as  aqpi-duttsa,  eleven;  aqpi-dopa,  twelve. 

In  Dakota,  wiktqemna,  ten,  and  nonpa,  two,  form  wikt^mna  nonpa, 
twenty.  In  Tutelo  the  form  is  the  same;  put^ka  nomba,  tens-two.  In 
Hidatsa  it  is  similar,  but  the  position  of  the  words  is  reversed,  twenty 
being  dopa-pitika,  two  tens. 

The  ordinal  numbers,  after  the  first,  are  formed  in  all  three  languages 
by  prefixing  i  or  ei  to  the  cardinal  numbers,  as  in  Dakota,  inonpa,  second  ; 
iyamni,  third ;  itopa,  fourth.  In  Hidatsa,  idopa,  second  ;  idani,  third  ; 
itopa,  fourth.  In  Tutelo  I  received  einombai,  twice;  einani,  thrice;  eintopai, 
four  times.  This  rendering  was  given  by  the  interpreter,  but  the  true 
meaning  was  probably  the  same  as  in  the  Dakota  and  Hidatsa.  The  word  for 
"first "  is  peculiar  in  all  three  languages;  in  Dakota,  tokaheya,  in  Hidatsa, 
itsika,  in  Tutelo,  etdhni. 

In  the  Tutelo  the  numerals  appear  to  have  different  forms;  or  perhaps, 
more  accurately  speaking,  different  terminations,  according  to  the  context 
in  which  they  are  used.  The  following  are  examples  of  these  forms,  the 
first  or  abridged  form  being  apparently  used  in  ordinary  counting,  and 
the  others  when  the  numerals  are  employed  in  conjunction  with  other 
words.  The  various  pronunciations  of  my  different  informants — and  some 
times  of  the  same  informant  at  different  times — are  also  shown  in  these  ex 
amples. 

Separate.  Construct.  Variations. 

/  nosen,  nusen,  nonsai,nonsa, 

1  nons,  nos  nosai,  nonsai  -  -~      _  _, 

v     nosan,  nosah,  nonsah 

/-  numbdi,     nomba,     numba, 

2  nomp  nomlai  -)      nonmbai,  nonpa,  ndmbdh, 

(.     nombaq 

3  Idt,  nan  ndni  Idni,  Idnih,  Idniq 

4  top  topdi  tola,  topah 

5  kise,  kisan  kisdhai  kisdhdni 

6  agds    or    akds,  \    ,  ,    . 

akdsp  J  akaspe,  akdspei,  agespeq 

7  sdgom  sagomei  sagomi,  sdgdmiq,  sagomink 

8  fdldn  paldni  paldniq 

9  sd  or  sdn,  ksank    ksdhkai  kasankai,  ksdkai 

10  putqk,  lut^k'         putskai  but^kai,  putskdni,  putskdn 

11  agenosai  aginosai,  akinosai 


1883.]  ~                                                           [Hale 

Separate.  Construct  Forms  and  Variations. 

12  agenomba  aginombai,  akinombai 

13  agelani  agildli,  akildrti 

14  agetoba  akitdpa 

15  ageglsai  akikisdhai 

16  agegdspe  akikaspei 

17  agesagomi  akisagomei 

18  agepaldni  akipalali 

19  agekesanka  akikasankai 

20  putska   nomba,  •) 

.  j           .  .  >                       putska  nombai 

putska  nombai  J  ^ 

30    putska  nam  putska  lani 
40    putska  tobai 

100    ukeiii  nosd  okenl 
1000    «&£7H  putskai 


The  numeral  follows  the  noun  which  it  qualifies.  If  the  noun  termi 
nates  in  a  vowel  not  accented,  the  vowel  is  usually  dropped,  while  the 
numeral  assumes  its  constuctor  or  lengthened  form,  and  is  sometimes 
closed  with  a  strong  aspirate.  Thus,  from  mihdni,  woman,  we  have  mihan 
nosd  or  mihan  nonsdi,  one  woman;  mihan  nombaq,  two  women;  mihan  laniq, 
three  women,  &c.  From  t$onjo  or  t$onki,  dog,  tconk,  nosdh,  one  dog  ; 
tconk  nombaq,  two  dogs.  From  monti,  bear,  mont  nosdh,  one  bear ;  mont 
nombaJi,  two  bears.  From  nahambi,  day,  nahdmp  nosdh,  one  day,  nahamp 
nombai,  two  days  ;  nahamp  Idniq,  three  days,  &c.  It  will  be  seen  that  the 
dropping  of  the  final  vowel  of  the  noun  has  the  effect  of  giving  a  sharper 
sound  to  the  preceding  consonant.  When  the  final  vowel  is  accented,  no 
change  takes  place  in  the  noun  ;  thus  aii,  house;  all  nonsai,  one  house;  afi 
nonbai,  two  houses;  ati  laniq,  three  houses,  &c. 

No  such  difference  between  the  simple  and  the  construct  forms  of  the 
numerals  appears  to  exist  either  in  the  Dakota  or  in  the  Hidatsa.  This  is 
one  evidence,  among  others,  of  the  greater  wealth  of  inflections  which 
characterizes  the  Tutelo  language. 

Pronouns. 

There  are  in  the  Tutelo,  as  in  the  Dakota,  two  classes  of  pronouns,  the 
separate  pronouns,  and  the  affixed  or  incorporated  pronouns.  The  former, 
however,  are  rarely  used,  except  for  the  purpose  of  emphasis.  In  the 
Dakota  the  separate  pronouns  are  miye  or  ml?^  I,  niye,  or  ni$,  thou  or  ye, 
if/e,  or  ir,  he  or  they,  and  unkiye  or  unkie,  we.  In  the  Tutelo,  mlm  sig 
nifies  I  or  we,  yl>n,  thou  or  ye,  im,  he  or  they,  which  was  sometimes 
lengthened  to  imahete.  A  still  more  emphatic  form  is  made  with  the  ter 
mination  sdi  or  sdni,  giving  the  sense  of  "alone,"  or  rather  perhaps 


Hale.]  22  [March  2, 

"self,"  for  which  meaning  the  Dakota  employs  the  separate  pronouns 
already  given,  while  the  Hidatsa  has  a  special  form  ;  thus  : 
Tutelo.  Dakota.  IIMatsa. 

misai  or  mimni        miye  (miq)  miqki  I  myself  (or  I  alone) 

yisai,  or  yesani         niye  (ni$)  niqki  thou 

esaiyUaioiisani       iye  (z^)  iqki  he 

maesai  or  maesdni    unkiye  (unkiq)      midoki  we 

The  Dakota  unkiye  is  said  to  be  properly  a  dual  form.  The  Tutelo  appa 
rently,  like  the  Hidatsa,  has  no  dual. 

The  affixed  or  incorporated  pronouns  have  in  the  Tutelo,  as  in  the 
Dakota  and  Hidatsa,  two  forms,  nominative  and  objective.  These  forms 
in  the  three  languages  are  very  similar  : 

Tutelo.  Dakota.          Hidatsa. 

Nominative. 

ma,  wa  wa,  we  mi  I 

ya,  ye  ya.  ye  da  (no)          thou 

mae,  mat,  wae,  wai,  man,  mank,       un  we 

Objective. 

mi,  wi  ma,  mi          mi  me 

yi,  hi  ni  di  (ni)  thee 

e,  ei,  i  i  him 

mae,  mai,  wae,  wai  un  us 

The  objective  forms  are  also  used  in  all  these  languages  as  possessive 
pronouns,  and  they  are  affixed  as  nominatives  to  neuter  or  adjective  verbs, 
in  the  first  and  second  persons.  The  third  personal  pronoun  is  not  ex 
pressed  in  the  verb,  at  least  in  the  singular  number.  In  the  plural  the 
Tutelo  indicates  this  pronoun  by  an  inflection,  both  in  the  nominative  and 
the  objective.  Thus  hahewa,  he  says,  hahehla,  they  say  ;  minewa,  I  see 
him,  minehla,  I  see  them. 

The  Hidatsa  makes  no  distinction  between  the  singular  and  the  plural 
of  the  possessive  pronouns.  Mi  signifies  both  my  and  our,  di,  they  and 
your,  and  i,  his  and  their.  The  Dakota  distinguishes  the  plural  by  adding 
the  particle  pi  to  the  noun.  The  Tutelo  adds  pui  to  the  noun  in  the 
second  person,  and  sometimes  lei  or  kai  to  the  third.  With  nouns  signify 
ing  relationship,  the  Dakota  indicates  the  possessive  pronoun  of  the  third 
person  by  adding  ku  to  the  noun.  The  Tutelo  sometimes  adds  ka  or  kai  not 
only  in  this  person,  but  in  the  first  and  third  persons,  as  shown  in  the  fol 
lowing  example  : 

Dakota.  Tutelo. 

sunka  suntka  younger  bro'.her 

misunka  wimntk  my  "        '  " 

yisunka  yuuntk  thy  "          " 

sunkaku  esuntka  or  esutitkai          his  "          " 

unkisunkapi  maisuntkai  our  "          " 

nisunkapi  yisuntkapui  your          "          " 

sunkapi  ei&untkai  their          "          " 


1883.]  [Hale. 

In  the  Tutelo  an  e  is  sometimes  prefixed  to  the  possessive  pronouns,  as 
in  ati,  house,  which  makes 

eicati  my  house  emanti  our  house 

eyati  thy     "  eyatipuL  your   " 

cati  his      "  tati-lei  their  " 

In  this  case  the  final  vowel  of  the  pronouns  wi  and  yi  is  elided  before  the 
initial  a  of  the  noun.  So  in  mineica,  I  see  him,  the  vowel  of  the  prefixed  pro 
noun  ma,  I,  is  elided  before  the  vowel  of  the  verb  inewa,  to  see.  Some 
other  euphonic  changes  of  the  possessive  pronoun  in  the  Tutelo  are  shown 
in  the  following  example  : 

Dakota.  Tutelo. 

pa  pasui,  head 

mapa  mimpasui,  my  head 

nipa  yinpasui,  thy       " 

pa  epasui,  his       " 

unpapi  emankpasui,  our    heads 

nipapi  eyinkpasupui  your    " 

papi  epasui-lei  their    " 

In  Tutelo,  tat' ,  my  father,  is  an  anomalous  form,  used  instead  of  mat', 
or  em  at'.  With  the  other  affixes  the  word  becomes  ydf  (or  ilati),  thy  father, 
eat',  his  father  (or  their  father),  emadt',  our  father,  eyatpui,  your  father. 

A  good  example  of  the  use  of  the  prefixed  personal  pronouns  in  the  Tu 
telo  is  shown  in  the  word  for  son.  There  were  slight  differences  in  the 
forms  received  from  two  of  my  informants,  as  here  given  : 

witeka  tcitekai  my  son 

yiteka  yitekai  thy  son 

eteka  etekai  his  son 

mankteka  emanktekai  our  son 

yitekabui  yitekatui  your  son 

eteka  etekahlei  ,       their  son 

Mi  nek',  my  uncle  (in  Dakota  midek^i)  is  thus  varied  :  Tinek',  thy  uncle 
(Dak.  nidekcj),  einek',  his  uncle  (Dak.  deqitku),  emainek,  our  uncle,  einek- 
pui,  your  uncle,  einek'  or  einek'-lei,  their  uncle. 

In  the  word  for  brother,  injinambai  (or  inkinumbat),  the  possessive  pro 
nouns  are  inserted  after  the  first  syllable,  and  in  this  instance  they  are 
used  in  the  nominative  form  : 

inicagiiiumbai        my  brother  maiinginumbai          our  brother 

inyagnumbdi          thy  brother  inyaginumbabui         your  brother 

ingiginumbdi         his  brother  ingiginumbai  their  brother 

The  Dakota  and  Hidatsa  have  lengthened  forms  of  the  personal  pro 
nouns  to  indicate  property  in  things,  or  "transferable  possession."  These 
are  in  the  former,  mita,  my,  nita,  thy,  and  ta,  his,  as  mita-onspe,  my  axe, 
nita-$unke,  thy  dog.  These  pronouns  are  also  used  with  koda,  friend,  and 
kitquna,  comrade.  In  Hidatsa  mata,  dita  (for  nita),  and  ita,  are  used  in  a 
similar  manner.  In  the  Tutelo  the  pronouns  of  this  form  occurred  in  a 


Hale.]  24  [March  2, 

few  examples,  but  only  with  certain  words  of  personal  connection  or  rela 
tions,  in  which  their  use  seems  to  resemble  that  of  the  Dakota  pronouns 
with  the  words  meaning  "comrade"  and  "friend."  Thus  we  heard 
witamanki,  my  husband,  yitamanki,  thy  husband,  etamanki,  her  hus 
band.  So  witamihen,  my  wife  (i.  e.  my  woman),  yitamihen,  thy 
wife;  and  witagut^kai,  my  son,  i.  e.  "my  boy,"  from  wagut^- 
kai,  boy  (evidently  the  same  word  as  the  Dakota  koqka,  young 
man).  In  the  latter  example  witagut^kai,  apparently  expresses  a  lower 
bond  or  sense  of  relationship  than  witekai,— not  "my  child,"  but  "my 
boy,"  or  "my  youth,"  who  may  leave  me  and  go  elsewhere  at  any  time. 
In  Tutelo  the  pronouns  indicating  property  or  "transferable  pos 
session"  were  commonly  found  in  a  separate  and  apparently  compound 
form,  following  the  noun,  which  was  then  sometimes  (though  not  always) 
heard  in  the  shortened  or  "construct"  form.  Thus  with  Msepi,  axe,  we 
have  : 

Msep'  migltowi     (or  mikltowi)  my  axe      Msep'  mahgltowi       our  axe 
Msep'  yingltowi    thy  axe  Msep'  ingltombui      your  axe 

Msep'  gitowi         his  axe  hisep'  gitohnei          their  axe 

So  sat,  bed,  has  sas  mingltowi,  my  bed,  sas  yingitowi,  thy  bed,  sas  gi- 
towi,  his  bed. 
With  tqongo,  dog,  we  find  a  different  form  : 

t^ongo  waMdmpi    my  dog      t^ongo  maokimpi  (or  mahkimpi)     our  dog 
tqongo  yaTikimpi     thy  dog     tqongo  yahkim^ui  your  dog 

tqonyo  eohkimpi     his  dog      t$ongo  kimpena  their  dog 

The  first  of  these  forms,  miyltowi,  &c.,  is  evidently  the  same  that  ap 
pears  in  the  Dakota  mitawa,  mine,  witawa,  thine,  tawa,  his,  unkitawa,  ours. 
The  Hidatsa,  has  similar  forms,  matamae,  ditamae,  and  itamae,  often  pro 
nounced  matawae,  nitawae,  and  itawae.  Dr.  Matthews  regards  them  as 
compounds  formed  by  prefixing  the  pronouns  mata,  dita  (nita)  and  ita  to 
the  noun  mae  (or  wae)  signifying  personal  property,  which  seems  a  very 
probable  explanation. 

The  form  wahkimpi  may  be  similarly  explained.  In  Dakota  kipa  signi 
fies,  to  keep  for  me,  and  kipi,  to  hold  or  contain.  The  sense  of  property  or 
possession  is  apparently  implied,  and  t^ongo  wahkimpi  in  Tutelo  probably 
means  "the  dog  my  property,"  or  "the  dog  I  have." 

The  possessive  pronouns  are  used  by  themselves  in  Tutelo  in  the  follow 
ing  affirmative  and  negative  forms  : 

mimigltowi  (or  mimigltowe,  or  mikltowi)  mine,  or,  it  is  mine 

yinfitowi  (yingitowe,  yinkitowi]  thine,  or,  it  is  thine 

in'fitowi  (inyitowe,  inkltowi)  his,  or,  it  is  his 

maqgitowi  (or  maJigltowe,  or  maJikitowi)  ours,  or,  it  is  ours 

yingitombul  (or  yin^dtombui)  yours,  or,  it  is  yours 

gitonnesel  (or  kitonnesel)  theirs,  or  it  is  theirs 


1883.1 


IHale. 


Negative  Form. 


kimlgitonan  (kimikltonan) 

kinyigltonan 

kiyitonan 

kinaqyitonan 

kinyiyitonibdnan 

kiyltoqnenan 


it  is  not  mine 
it  is  not  thine 
it  is  not  his 
it  is  not  ours 
it  is  not  yours 
it  is  not  theirs 


The  proper  form  of  the  first  personal  affirmative  is  doubtless  migltom 
(or  mikltowe).  In  mimigltowi  the  first  syllable  is  evidently  from  the  sepa 
rate  pronoun  mlm,  I,  used  for  emphasis.  In  the  Dakota  the  forms  miye 
mitawa,  me,  mine,  niye  nitawa,  thee,  thine,  &c.,  are  used  for  the  same  pur 
pose. 

The  negative  form  is  not  found  in  either  the  Dakota  or  the  Hidatsa,  and 
may  be  regarded  as  another  instance  of  the  greater  wealth  of  inflections 
possessed  by  the  Tutelo. 

The  following  are  the  interrogative  demonstrative  and  indefinite  pro 
nouns  in  the  Tutelo,  so  far  as  they  were  ascertained.  The  Dakota  and 
Hidatsa  are  added  for  comparison  : 


Tutelo. 

etoica,  or  hetda 
ake/h,  kaka 
etuk 


Dakota.  Hidatsa. 

tuwe  tape  who  ? 

taku  tapa  what  ? 

tukte  to;  tua  which? 

tona ;  tonaka         tuami  how  many  ? 

tewakituMca  tuwetawa  tapeitamae  whose  (is  it) 

neJce,  or  neikin;  heiki    de  '  Mdi ;  kini  this 

yukan;  hewa;  end         he;  ka  Tiido ;  hino  that 

ohdn,  or  oho  ota  ahu  many 


Jidk,  huk,  okaTiok 


owasin  ;  iyuqpa    etsa  ;  qakaheta       all 


The  general  resemblance  of  most  of  these  forms  is  apparent.  In  the  Tu 
telo  for  "whose?"  which  might  have  been  written  tetcagiiunwa,  we  see 
the  affix  of  the  possessive  pronoun  (gilowe)  inflectedto  make  an  interroga 
tive  form.  The  Dakota  and  Hidatsa  use  the  affix  (tawa  and  tamae)  with 
out  the  inflection. 

Tlie  Verb. 

There  are  two  very  striking  peculiarities  in  which  the  Dakota  and  Hidatsa 
dialects  differ  from  most,  if  not  all,  Indian  languages  of  other  stock*. 
These  are:  firstly,  the  manner  in  which  the  personal  pronoun  is  incorpo 
rated  with  the  verb;  and,  secondly,  the  extreme  paucity  or  almost  total 
absence  of  inflections  of  mood  and  tense.  In  the  first  of  these  peculiarities 
the  Tutelo  resembles  its  western  congeners  ;  in  the  second  it  differs  from 
them  in  a  marked  degree  —  more  widely  even  than  the  Latin  verb  differs 
from  the  English.  These  two  characteristics  require  to  be  separately  noted. 

In  most  Indian  languages  the  personal  pronouns,  both  of  the  subject 
and  of  the  object,  are  in  some  measure  either  united  with  the  verb  or  in- 

PROC.  AMER.  PHILOS.  SOC.  XXI.   114.  D.      PRINTED  MARCH  31,  1883. 


Hale.]  26  [March  2, 

dicated  by  an  inflection.  The  peculiarity  which  distinguishes  the  languages 
of  the  Dakotan  stock  is  found  in  the  variable  position  of  these  incorporated 
pronouns.  They  may  be  placed  at  the  beginning,  at  the  end,  or  between 
any  two  syllables  of  the  verb.  The  position  of  the  pronoun  is  not,  how 
ever,  arbitrary  and  dependent  on  the  pleasure  of  the  speaker.  It  appears 
to  be  fixed  for  each  verb,  according  to  certain  rules.  These  rules,  how 
ever,  seem  not  yet  to  have  been  fully  determined,  and  thus  it  happens  that 
a  Dakota  dictionary  must  give  the  place  of  the  pronoun  in  every  verb, 
precisely  as  a  Latin  dictionary  must  give  the  perfect  tense  of  every  verb 
of  the  third  conjugation.  Thus,  for  example,  in  the  Dakota  proper,  kaqkd, 
to  bind  (or  rather  "he  binds"),  makes  w&kdqka,  I  bind,  y&kakqa,  thou 
bindest;  manon,  he  steals,  makes  mawanon,  I  steal,  may&non,  thou  stealest; 
and  etqiii,  he  thinks,  makes  etqdnmi,  I  think,  etqdnai,  thou  thinkest,  the  suf 
fixed  pronouns  receiving  a  peculiar  form.  In  the  Hidatsa,  kide^i,  he  loves, 
makes  Ki&kideqi,  I  love,  H&kideqi,  thou  lovest  ;  eke,  he  knows,  becomes 
em&ke,  I  know,  and  efake,  thou  knowest ;  and  kitsahike,  he  makes  good, 
becomes  kitsahikemA,  I  make  good,  and  kitsahike^,  thou  makes t  good.  The 
Tutelo  has  the  pronouns  sometimes  prefixed,  and  sometimes  inserted  ;  no 
instances  have  been  found  in  which  they  are  suffixed,  but  it  is  by  no 
means  improbable  that  such  cases  may  occur,  as  verbs  of  this  class  are  not 
common  in  either  of  the  former  languages,  and  our  examples  of  conjugated 
verbs  in  Tutelo  are  not  very  numerous.  Among  them  are  the  following  : 

1.  Verbs  with  prefixed  pronouns: 

lakpese,  he  drinks 
y&lakpese,  thou  drinkest 
vfalakpese,  I  drink 
hiantkapewa,  he  sleeps 
y&hi&ntkapetDO,  thou  sleepest 
vf&hiantkapewa,  I  sleep 
tewa,  he  is  dead 
yitewa,  thou  art  dead 
Vfitewa,  I  am  dead 

2.  The  verbs  in  which  the  pronouns  are  inserted  seem  to  be  the  most 
numerous  class.    The  following  are  examples: 

hahewa,  he  says 
hayihewa,  thou  sayest 
Jiawahewa,  I  say 

mahandrika,  he  sits  down 
mahaymanka,  thou  sittest  down 
mahamindnka,  I  sit  down 
inkseha,  he  laughs 
iny&kseha,  thou  laughest 
inwakseha,  I  laugh 
oliata,  he  sees 
oy&7idta,  thou  seest 
,  I  see 


1883.]  «  [Hale. 

The  pronouns  may  be  thus  inserted  in  a  noun,  used 'with  a  verbal  sense. 
Thus  icahtd'ca  or  wahtakai,  man  or  Indian,  may  be  conjugated: 

wahtakai,  he  is  an  Indian 
wayihtdkai,  thou  art  an  Indian 
wamihtdkai,  I  am  an  Indian 

It  is  remarkable,  however,  that  the  pronoun  of  the  first  person  plural 
is  usually  (though  not  always)  prefixed.  Thus  from  mahandnka,  he  sits 
down,  we  have  (as  above)  mahaminanka,  I  sit  down,  and  maiilimakandrika, 
we  sit  down.  So,  m&inkseha  (or  sometimes  vtainkseha'),  we  laugh,  and 
msiohata,  we  see.  On  the  other  hand,  we  find  Jiam&nkhewa,  we  say,  from 
haJiewa,  he  says,  making  (as  above)  havt&Tiewa,  I  say. 

The  word  manon.  he  steals,  has  in  Dakota  the  pronouns  inserted,  as  is 
shown  in  the  examples  previously  given.  The  similar  word  in  Tutelo, 
mandma  or  manuma,  has  them  prefixed,  as  jimandma,  thou  stealest,  ma- 
manoma,  I  steal.  But  on  one  occasion  this  word  was  given  in  a  different 
form,  as  manunddni,  he  steals;  and  in  this  example  the  pronouns  were  in 
serted,  the  form  of  the  first  personal  pronoun,  and  of  the  verb  itself  in  that 
person,  being  at  the  same  time  varied,  as  maymunddni,  thou  stealest,  ma- 
•mmundame,  Osteal.  In  Dakota  the  place  of  the  pronoun  is  similarly  varied 
by  a  change  in  the  form  of  the  verb.  Thus  baksd,  to  cut  off  with  a  knife, 
makes  baw&ksa,  I  cut  off  (with  the  pronoun  inserted),  while  kaksd,  to  cut 
off  with  an  axe,  makes  vf&kdksa,  I  cut  off  (^with  the  pronoun  prefixed),  and 
so  in  other  like  instances. 

The  other  peculiarity  of  the  Dakota  and  Hidatsa  languages,  which  has 
been  referred  to,  viz.,  the  paucity,  or  rather  absence,  of  all  changes  of 
mood  and  tense  which  can  properly  be  called  inflections,  is  in  striking 
contrast  with  the  abundance  of  these  changes  which  mark  the  Tutelo  verb. 
The  difference  is  important,  especially  as  indicating  that  the  Tutelo  is 
the  older  form  of  speech.  It  is  an  established  law  in  the  science  of  linguistics 
that,  in  any  family  of  languages,  those  which  are  of  the  oldest  formation, 
or,  in  other  words,  which  approach  nearest  to  the  mother  speech,  are  the 
most  highly  inflected.  The  derivative  or  more  recent  tongues  are  distin 
guished  by  the  comparative  fewness  of  the  grammatical  changes  in  the 
vocables.  The  difference  in  this  respect  between  the  Tutelo  and  the  west 
ern  branches  of  this  stock  is  so  great  that  they  seem  to  belong  to  different 
categories  or  genera  in  the  classification  of  languages.  The  Tutelo  may 
properly  be  styled  an  inflected  language,  while  the  Dakota,  the  Hidatsa, 
and  apparently  all  the  other  western  dialects  of  the  stock,  must  be  classed 
among  agglutinated  languages,  the  variations  of  person,  number,  mood 
and  tense  being  denoted  by  affixed  or  inserted  particles. 

Thus  in  the  Hidatsa  there  is  no  difference,  in  the  present  tense,  between 
the  singular  and  the  plural  of  a  verb.  Kideqi  signifies  both  "he  loves" 
a.nd  "they  love  ;"  makide^i,  "I  love,"  and  "we  love."  In  the  future  a 
distinction  is  made  in  the  first  and  second  persons.  Dakidecidi  signifies 


Hale.]  28  [March  2, 

"thou  wilt  love,"  of  which  dakidecidiha  is  the  plural,  "ye  will  love."  In 
this  language  there  is  no  mark  of  any  kind,  even  by  affixed  particles,  to 
distinguish  the  present  tense  from  the  past,  nor  even,  in  the  third  person, 
to  distinguish  the  future  from  the  other  tenses.  Kide^i  signifies  he  loves,  he 
loved,  and  he  will  love.  The  Dakota  is  a  little  better  furnished  in  this 
way.  The  plural  is  distinguished  from  the  singular  by  the  addition  of  the 
particle  pi,  and  in  the  first  person  by  prefixing  the  pronoun  un,  they,  in 
lieu  of  wa  or  we,  I.  Thus  kaqka,  he  binds,  becomes  ka^kd^i,  they  bind. 
Wakaqlca,  I  bind,  becomes  unka^kapl,  we  bind.  No  distinction  is  made 
between  the  present  and  tbe  past  tense.  JKaqkd  is  both  he  binds  and  he 
ttound.  The  particle  Ida,  which  is  not  printed  and  apparently  not  pro 
nounced  as  an  affix,  indicates  the  future.  It  sometimes  produces  a  slight 
euphonic  change  in  the  final  vowel  of  the  verb.  Thus  kd^ke  Ida,  he  will 
bind,  kaqkdpl  kta,  they  will  bind.  All  other  distinctions  of  number  and 
tense  are  indicated  in  these  two  languages  by  adverbs,  or  by  the  general 
context  of  the  sentence. 

In  lieu  of  these  scant  and  imperfect  modes  of  expression,  the  Tutelo 
gives  us  a  surprising  wealth  of  verbal  forms.  The  distinction  of  singular 
and  plural  is  clearly  shown  in  all  the  persons,  thus: 

opewa,  he  goes  opeJiehla,  they  go    * 

oyapeuoa,  thou  goest  oyapepua,  ye  go 

owapewa,  I  go  maopewa,  we  go 

Of  tenses  there  are  many  forms.  The  termination  in  ewa  appears  to  be 
of  an  aorist,  or  rather  of  an  indefinite  sense.  Opewa  (from  opa,  to  go)  may 
signify  both  he  goes  and  he  went.  A  distinctive  present  is  indicated  by 
the  termination  bma ;  a  distinctive  past  by  oka;  and  a  future  by  ta  or  eta. 
Thus  from  kte,  to  kill,  we  have  waktewa,  I  kill  him,  or  killed  him,  wak- 
tcoma;  I  am  killing  him,  and  wakteta,  I  will  kill  him.  So  ohata,  he  sees 
it,  becomes  ohatioka,  he  saw  it  formerly,  and  ohateta,  he  will  see  it.  Opewa, 
he  goes  (or  went),  becomes  opeta,  he  will  go,  inflected  as  follows  : 

opeta,  he  will  go  opehehla,  they  will  go 

oyapeta,  thou  wilt  go  oyapetepa,  ye  will  go 

owapeta,  I  will  go  maopeta,  we  will  go 

The  inflections  for  person  and  number  in  the  distinctively  present  tense, 
ending  in  oma,  are  shown  in  the  following  example  : 

wagindma,  he  is  sick  waginonhna,  they  are  sick 

wayinginoma,  thou  art  sick  wayinjinompo,  ye  are  sick 

wameginoma,  I  am  sick  manjwagindma,  we  are  sick 

Ohata,  he  sees  it,  is  thus  varied  : 

ohata,  he  sees  it  oJiatehla,  they  see  it 

oyahata,  thou  seest  it  oyahatbua,  ye  see  it 

owahata,  I  see  it  maohata,  we  see  it 


1883 1  **  [Hale. 

ohatioka,  he  saw  it  ohatiokehla,  they  saw  it 

oyahatioka,  thou  sawest  it  oyahatiokewa,  ye  saw  it 

owahatioka,  I  saw  it  maohatioka,  we  saw  it 

ohateta,  he  will  see  it  oliatetehla,  they  will  see  it 

oyaJiateta,  thou  wilt  see  it  oyahatetbua,  ye  will  see  it 

owahateta,  I  shall  see  it  maohdteta,  we  shall  see  it 

The  following  examples  will  show  the  variations  of  person  in  the  aorist 
tense  : 

hahewa,  he  says  hahehla,  they  say 

hayiheiea,  thou  sayest  hayihepua,  ye  say 

hawaheica,  I  say  hamankltewa,  we  say 

kihnindeica,  he  is  hungry  kihnindese,  they  are  hungry 

yiklhnindewa,  thou  art  hungry  klhnindepua,  ye  are  hungry 

miklhnindewa,  I  hungry  mahkihnindewa,  we  are  hungry. 

Wakc.nspewa,  I  remember  it,  an  aorist  form,  becomes  in  the  preterite 
wakonspeoka,  and,  in  the  future,  icakonspeta.  It  is  thus  varied  in  the  aorist 
and  past  tenses  : 

wakonspewa,  I  remember  it  makikonspewa,  we  remember  it 

yakonspewa,  thou  rememberest  it        yakonspepua,  ye  remember  it 
kikonspewa,  he  remembers  it  kikonspehela,  they  remember  it 

wakonspeoka,  I  remembered  it  makikonspeoka,  we  remembered  it 

yakompedka,  thou  rememberedst  it    yakonspepuyoka,  ye  remembered  it 
kikonspeoka,  he  remembered  it  kikonspeleoka,  they  remembered  it 

In  several  instances  verbs  were  heard  only  in  the  inflected  forms.  For 
the  simple  or  root-form,  which  doubtless  exists  in  the  language,  we  are 
obliged  to  have  recourse  to  the  better  known  Dakota  language.  Thus 
opewa,  he  went,  and  opeta,  he  will  go,  indicate  a  root  opa,  he  goes,  which 
is  actually  found  in  the  Dakota. 

So  manoma  (which  is  probably  a  distinctively  present  tense),  and  man- 
ondani,  both  meaning  he  steals,  indicate  a  briefer  root-form  which  we  find 
in  the  Dakota  manon,  having  the  same  meaning.  Manoma,  which  is  proba 
bly  a  contraction  of  manondma,  is  thus  varied  : 

manoma,  he  steals  manonnese,  they  steal 

yimanoma,  thou  stealest  yimanompua,  ye  steal 

mamanoma,  I  steal  mankmandma,  we  steal 

From  these  examples  it  is  evident  that  there  are  variations  of  inflection, 
which,  if  the  language  were  better  understood,  might  probably  be  classi 
fied  in  distinct  conjugations.  Other  instances  of  these  variations  will  be 
given  hereafter. 

It  is  well  known  that  in  the  Iroquois,  Algonquin,  Cherokee,  and  other  In 
dian  languages,  of  different  stocks,  there  are  many  forms  of  the  verb,  nega- 


Hale.]  IMarch  2, 

tive,  interrogative,  desiderative,  and  the  like,  which  are  among  the  most 
notable  characteristics  of  these  languages,  and  add  much  to  their  power  of 
expression.  The  Tutelo  has  several  of  these  forms,  but  none  of  them  are 
found  in  the  Dakota  or  Hidatsa,  both  of  which  express  the  meaning  of 
these  forms  by  adverbial  phrases  or  other  circumlocutions.  The  negative 
form  in  Tutelo  is  made  (in  a  manner  which  reminds  us  of  the  French  ne- 
pas)  by  prefixing  k  or  ki  to  the  affirmative  and  suffixing  na.  The  tense  ter 
minations  oma,  owa,  and  ewa,  become  ona  and  ena  in  this  form  : 

inkseJia,  he  laughs  kinkseJina,  he  does  not  laugh 

inwakseha,  I  laugh  kinwahsehna,  I  do  not  laugh 

wameginoma,  I  am  sick  kiwameginona,  I  am  not  sick 

tcaktewa,  I  killed  him  kiwaktena,  I  did  not  kill  him 

owaklaka,  I  speak  kowaklakna,  I  do  not  speak 

wakteoma,  I  am  killing  him  kiwakteona,  lam  not  killing  him 

yaJwwa,  he  is  coming  kiaJiona,  he  is  not  coming 

Kink&ehna,  he  is  not  laughing,  is  thus  varied  in  the  present  tense  : 


,  he  is  not  laughing'  kinksehanena,  they  are  not  laughing 

kinyaksehna,  thou  art  not  laughing    kinyaksehpuna,  ye  are  not  laughing 
kinuoaksehna,  I  am  not  laughing         kimaenksehna,  we  are  not  laughing 

The  interrogative  form  terminates  in  o,  as  : 

yaktewa,  thou  killedst  him  yaktewo,  didst  thou  kill  him? 

yakteoma,  thou  art  killing  him  yakteonmo,  art  thou  kiling  him  ? 

yateta,  thou  wilt  kill  him  yakte'o,  wilt  thou  kill  him  ? 

yatlwa,  thou  dwellest  toka  yatiwo,  where  dost  thou  dwell? 

alewa,  he  is  going  toka  alewo,  where  is  he  going? 

It  is  evident  that  this  form  is  an  inflection,  pure  and  simple.  It  is  a  vowel 
change,  and  not  in  any  manner  an  agglutinated  particle.  It  takes  the  place 
of  that  elevation  of  tone  with  which  we  conclude  an  interrogative  sentence, 
and  which,  strange  to  say,  is  not  heard  among  the  Dakotas.  Mr.  Riggs  re 
marks  that  "unlike  the  English,  the  voice  falls  at  the  close  of  all  inter 
rogative  sentences." 

The  desiderative  form  appears  to  be  expressed  by  the  affixed  particle  U 
or  be,  but  the  examples  which  were  obtained  happened  to  be  all  in  the 

negative,  thus  : 

• 

owapewa,  I  go  kowapebina,  I  do  not  wish  to  go 

opetese,  he  is  going,  or  will  go  kopebemse,  he  does  not  wish  to  go 

hawilewa,  I  come  kiwilebina,  I  do  not  wish  to  come 

waktewa,  I  kill  him  kiwaktebina,  I  do  not  wish  to  kill  him 

The  imperative  mood  is  distinguished  apparently  by  a  sharp  accent  on 
the  final  syllable  of  the  verb,  which  loses  the  sign  of  tense.  Thus  from  the 
ngo,  to  give  (in  Dakota  and  Hidatsa,  kit},  which  appears  in  maingbwa,  I 


1883.]  [Hale. 

give  to  you,  we  have,  in  the  imperative,  masa  mingo,  give  me  a  knife. 
kitese  or  kitesel,  he  kills  him,  gives  kite  tqonki,  or  t$nnk'  kite,  kill  the  dog. 

In  the  western  languages  of  the  Dakota  stock,  certain  particles  prefixed 
to  the  verb  play  an  important  part  in  modifying  the  meaning.  Thus  in 
Dakota  and  Hidatsa  the  prefix  pa  signifies  that  the  action  is  done  with  the 
hand.  From  ksa,  Dak.,  meaning  separate,  we  have  paksd,  to  break  with  the 
hand;  from  qu,  Hid.,  to  spill,  paqu,  to  pour  out  with  the. hand.  The  Da 
kota  na,  Hidatsa  ado,  (for  ana)  are  prefixes  showing  that  the  action  is  done 
with  the  foot.  The  Dakota  ya,  Hidatsa  da  (often  pronounced  ra  or  la) 
show  that  the  act  is  done  with  the  mouth.  Ka  (Dak.)  and  dak  (Hid.)  in 
dicate  an  act  done  by  a  sudden,  forcible  impulse,  &c.  Attempts  were  made 
to  ascertain  whether  similar  prefixes  were  employed  in  the  Tutelo  speech. 
It  was  found  that  in  many  cases  the  latter  had  distinct  words  to  express 
acts  which  in  the  western  languages  were  indicated  by  these  compound 
forms.  Still,  a  sufficient  number  of  examples  were  obtained  to  show  that 
the  use  of  modifying  prefixes  was  not  unknown  to  the  language.  Thus 
the  root  kusa,  which  evidently  corresponds  with  the  Dakota  ksa,  signifying 
separation,  occurs  in  the  following  forms  : 

nantkusisel,  he  breaks  it  off  with  the  foot 
latkusisel,  he  bites  it  off 
tikusisel,  he  breaks  it  off  by  pushing 
lakatkusisel,  he  cuts  it  off  with  an  axe 

The  Dakota  na,  signifying  action  with  the  foot,  is  evidently  found,  with 
some  modification,  in  the  Tutelo  nantkusisel  above  quoted,  and  also  in  nan- 
kokisek,  to  stamp  with  the  foot,  and  in  konaqlotisel,  to  scratch  with  the 
foot.  So  the  cutting,  pushing,  or  impulsive  prefix,  lak  or  laka,  which  ap 
pears  in  lakatkusisel,  is  found  also  in  lakatkusisel,  he  cuts  open,  lakaspeta, 
to  cut  off  in  pieces,  lakasdse,  to  chop,  lakapleh,  to  sweep  the  floor.  La, 
which  in  latkusisel  indicates  action  with  the  mouth,  is  found  also  in  lak- 
pese,  to  drink,  and  perhaps  in  yilandha,  to  count  or  read,  which  has  the 
corresponding  prefix  ya  in  the  Dakota  word  ya>ca,  of  like  meaning 

The  affixed  or  incorporated  pronouns  are  used  with  transitive  verbs  to 
form  what  are  called  by  the  Spanish  writers  on  Indian  grammar  transitions, 
that  is,  to  express  the  passage  of  the  action  from  the  agent  or  subject  to 
the  object.  This  usage  is  governed  by  very  simple  rules.  In  the  Dakota  and 
Hidatsa  the  rule  prevails,  that  when  two  affixed  pronouns  come  together, 
the  one  being  in  the  nominative  case  and  the  other  in  the  objective,  the 
objective  always  precedes  the  nominative,  as  in  mayakoc^:a  (Dak.)  me- 
thou-binclest,  dimakideci  (Hid.)  thee-I-love.  In  the  Dakota  the  third  per 
sonal  pronoun  is  in  general  not  expressed  ;  kaqka  signifies  both  he  binds, 
and  he  binds  him,  her,  or  it ;  wakaqka  is  I  bind,  and  I  bind  him,  &c.  In 
the  Hidatsa,  this  pronoun  is  not  expressed  in  the  nominative,  but  in  the 
objective  it  is  indicated  by  the  pronoun  i  prefixed  to  the  verb,  as  kide<;i,  he 
loves  ;  ikidccj,  he  loves  him,  her  or  it. 

The  Tutelo,  as  far  as  could  be  ascertained,  follows  the  usage  of  the  Dakota 


Hale.]  [March  2, 

in  regard  to  the  third  personal  pronoun  (which  is  not  expressed)  but  differs 
from  both  the  other  languages,  at  least  in  some  instances,  in  the  order  of 
the  pronouns.  The  nominative  affix  occasionally  precedes  the  objective, 
as  in  MAYiTiem,  I-thee-see.  Yet  in  kohinan7cwi?A.hewa,  rne-thou-struckest 
(where  the  pronouns  are  inserted),  this  order  is  reversed.  The  rule  on 
which  these  variations  depend  was  not  ascertained.  Owing  to  the  diffi 
culties  of  an  inquiry  carried  on  through  the  medium  of  a  double  translation 
(from  English  into  Cayuga  or  Onondaga,  and  from  the  latter  into  Tutelo), 
it  was  not  easy  to  gain  a  clear  idea  of  the  precise  meaning  of  many  of  the 
examples  which  were  obtained.  An  Indian  when  asked  to  translate  ' '  I 
lovethee,"  or  "thou  lovest  me,"  unless  he  is  an  educated  man,  or  per 
fectly  familiar  with  the  language  in  which  he  is  addressed,  is  apt  to  become 
perplexed,  and  to  reverse  the  meaning  of  the  pronouns.  The  following 
examples,  however,  will  suffice  to  show  that  the  system  of  transitions  exists 
in  the  Tutelo,  though  they  do  not  enable  us  to  analyze  and  reconstruct  it 
completely.  Many  other  examples  were  obtained,  but  are  omitted  from 
a  doubt  of  their  correctness. 

wakteoma,  I  am  killing  him 

waiktedma  (for  wayiktedma)  I  am  killing  thee 

mikteoma  he  is  killing  me 

yakteoma,  thou  art  killing  him 

kiteonsel,  he  is  killing  them 

tnewa,  he  sees  him  (or  he  saw  him) 

minewa,  I  see  him  (qu.  m'inewa,  for  ma-irtlwa) 

mayinewa,  I  see  thee 

miinewa,  he  sees  me 

yiinewa,  he  sees  thee 

miinehla,  they  see  me 

yandosteka,  he  loves  him 

yandomisteka,  he  loves  me 

yandoyisteka,  he  loves  thee 

yandowasteka,  I  love  him 

yandoyasteka,  thou  lovest  him 

yandoyisteka,  he  loves  thee 

mankiandosteka  (qu.  maikiandoyisteka),  we  love  thee 

maihiandostekanese,  we  love  them 

waiyandosteka,  he  loves  us 

waiyandoyasteka,  thou  loved  us 

yandostekanese,  he  loves  them  (or  they  love  him) 

yandomistekana,  they  love  me 

kohinanhlwa,  he  struck  (or  strikes)  him 
kohinankyihlwa,  he  struck  thee 
ko7iinanmihiwa,  he  struck  me 


1883.]  33  [Hale. 

> 

kohinanwalilwa,  I  struck  him 
kohinunyaJiiica,  thou  struckest  him 
kohinankwiyahltca,  thou  struckest  me 
kohinanmankihiwa,  we  struck  him 

gikblia  (or  kikoha),  he  calls  to  him 

wigikoha,  I  call  to  him 

waingikoha,  (for  wayingikoha),  I  call  to  thee 

injikoliise  (for  yirtgikohlse),  he  calls  to  thee 

injikopolese,  he  calls  to  you 

minjikoJui,  he  calls  to  m3 

yifjikoha,  thou  callest  to  him 

ingikopua,  they  call  to  you 

gikohanese,  they  call  to  them 

From  the  foregoing  examples  it  is  evident  that  the  system  of  transitions 
in  the  Tutelo  is  as  complete  as  in  the  Dakota  and  Hidatsa.  But  there  are 
apparently  some  peculiar  euphonic  changes,  and  some  of  the  pronouns  are 
indicated  by  terminal  inflections,  particularly  in  the  second  person  plural 
and  in  the  third  person  singular  and  plural. 

In  the  Tutelo,  as  in  the  Dakota  and  Hidatsa,  substantives  and  adjectives 
are  readily  converted  into  neuter  verbs  by  the  addition  or  insertion  of  the 
pronouns  and  the  verbal  suffixes.  It  is  in  this  manner  that  these  languages, 
like  other  Indian  tongues,  are  generally  enabled  to  dispense  with  the  use 
of  the  substantive  verb.  Thus  in  the  Dakota  witqnrja,  man,  by  inserting 
the  pronoun  ma,  I,  becomes  vimatyiqfa  or  w&qamaqta,  I  am  a  man,  andjby 
inserting  un  (we)  and  adding  the  plural  affix  pi,  becomes  wiun'yicjapi,  we 
are  men.  So  also  wacfte,  good,  becomes  mawaqte,  I  am  good,  untouqtepi,  we 
are  good. 

In  the  Tutelo  the  word  wahtaka,  or  waJilakai,  man,  is  inflected  as  follows : 

wamihfdkai  I  am  a  man. 
wayihtdkai,  thou  art  a  man. 
wahtakai,  he  is  a  man. 
miwamihidkdi,  we  are  men. 
inwahtdkai,  ye  are  men. 
hukwahtdkai,  they  are  men. 

The  last  two  forms  appear  not  to  be  regular,  and  may  have  been  given 
by  mistake.    Hukwahtdkai  probably  means  "all  are  men." 
This  verb  may  take  the  aorist  form,  as  : 

wamihtaldwa,  I  am  (or  was)  a  man. 
wayihtakd'oa,  thou  art  (or  wast)  a  man. 
wahtakauoa,  he  is  (or  was)  a  man,  &c. 

So  the  adjective  li,  good,  becomes,  with  the  aorist  affix  wa,  Itwa,  he  is 
(or  was)  good ;  yimliuoa,  thou  art  good;  mimlltca,  I  am  good.  In  the 

PROC.  AMER.  PHILOS.  8OC.  XXT.   114.  E.      PRINTED  MAY  8,   1883. 


Hale.]  [March  2, 

present  tense  we  have  eblse,  he  is  good  ;  ebilete,  they  are  good ;  and  in  the 
preterit,  ebikoa,  he  was  good. 

Adverbs. 

In  many  cases,  as  has  been  already  shown,  the  English  adverb  is  indi 
cated  in  the  Tutelo  by  a  modification  of  the  verb.  The  negative  adverb, 
for  example,  is  usually  expressed  in  this  manner,  as  ininkseha,  he  is  laugh 
ing,  kinksehna,  he  is  not  laughing  ;  migltowe,  it  is  mine,  kimigltonan,  it  is 
not  mine. 

Sometimes  the  meaning  which  in  English  would  be  expressed  by  an 
adverb  accompanying  a  verb,  is  expressed  in  Tutelo  by  two  verbs.  Thus 
we  have  ihoha,  she  is  sewing,  apparently  from  a  root  ilw  or  yeJio,  to  sew  ; 
a,nd  konspewa  yehd,  she  is  sewing  well,  i.  e.,  she  is  careful  in  sewing  (lit., 
she  thinks,  or  remembers,  in  sewing)  ;  kebina  yelio,  she  is  sewing  badly, 
*.  e.  she  does  not  well  in  sewing  (or  is  not  good  at  sewing).  Here  keblna  is 
the  negative  form  of  biwa,  he  (or  she)  is  good. 

Prepositions. 

Many  phrases  were  obtained  with  a  view  of  ascertaining  the  prepositions 
of  the  Tutelo,  but  without  success.  Sometimes  an  expression  which  in 
English  requires  a  preposition  would  in  the  Tutelo  appear  as  a  distinct 
word.  Thus,  while  ati  signifies  a  house,  tokai  was  given  as  equivalent  to 
"in  the  house."  It  may  perhaps  simply  mean  "at  home."  Prairie  is 
latahkoi,  but  oriii  signifies  "at  the  prairie." 

Other  examples  would  seem  to  show  that  the  prepositions  in  the  Tutelo, 
as  in  the  Hidatsa,  and  to  a  large  extent  in  the  Dakota,  are  incorporated 
with  the  verb.  Thus  tahkai  signifies  "woods,"  and  tahkai  aginese,  he  is  in 
the  woods.  So  sui,  hill,  and  sui  aginese,  he  is  on  the  hill.  The  phrase 
"I  am  going  to  the  house"  was  rendered  wileta  iafi,  and  the  phrase  "I 
am  coming  from  the  house,"  by  wakleta  iafi,.  The  practice  of  combining 
the  preposition  with  the  verb  is  very  common  in  the  Indian  languages, 
which  merely  carry  to  a  greater  extent  a  familiar  usage  of  the  Aryan  speech. 
The  expressions,  to  ascend  or  descend  a  hill,  to  circumnavigate  a  lake,  to 
overhang  a  fence,  to  undermine  a  wall,  are  examples  of  an  idiom  so  pre 
valent  in  the  Indian  tongues  as  to  supersede  not  merely  the  cases  of  nouns, 
but  to  a  large  extent  the  separable  prepositions. 

Conjunctions. 

In  the  Tutelo,  conjunctions  appear  to  be  less  frequently  used  than  in 
English.  An  elliptical  form  of  speech  is  employed,  but  with  no  loss  of 
clearness.  The  phrase  "  when  I  came,  he  was  asleep,"  is  expressed  briefly 
wihiok,  hianka,  I  came,  he  was  asleep.  So,  "I  called  the  dog,  but  he  did 
not  come,"  becomes  wagelakiok  tqonk,  kihuna,  I  called  the  dog,  he  came 
not.  When  it  is  considered  necessary  or  proper,  however,  the  conjunction 
is  expressed,  as  kuminena,  mi  Jan  hineka,  I  did  not  see  him,  but  John  saw 
him.  Here  "but"  is  expressed  by  mi. 


1883.]  35  [Hale. 

Nigds  signifies  "and,"  or  "also."  Waklumiha  lubus  nigds  masen,  I 
bought  a  hat  and  a  knife.  Otoakioka  waktdka  nigds  mi/ten  nomba  lek,  I 
met  a  man  and  two  women. 

Li,  which  expresses  "if,"  appears  to  be  combined  with  the  verb,  at  least 
in  pronunciation;  thus:  Lihlok,  WOffdajita,  If  he  comes,  I  will  tell  him  ; 
wihuta,  Jan  lihiok,  I  will  come  if  John  comes.  It  is  noticeable  in  the  last 
two  examples  that  the  accent  or  stress  of  voice  in  the  word  lihiok,  if  he 
comes,  appears  to  vary  with  the  position  of  the  word  in  the  sentence. 

Syntax.  • 

The  only  points  of  interest  which  were  ascertained  in  regard  to  the 
syntax  of  the  language  related  to  the  position  of  words  in  a  sentence. 

The  adjective  follows  the  noun  which  it  qualifies,  as  wahtake  II,  good 
man,  aft  asdn,  white  house.  The  rule  applies  to  the  numerals,  as  mihdn 
nonsa,  one  woman,  ati  nonbai,  two  houses.  In  this  respect  the  Tutelo 
conforms  to  the  rule  which  prevails  in  the  Dakota  and  Hidatsi  languages, 
as  well  as  in  the  dialects  of  the  Iroquois  stock.  In  the  Algonkin  lan 
guages,  on  the  other  hand,  the  adjective  precedes  the  noun. 

The  position  of  the  verb  appears  to  be  a  matter  of  indifference.  It 
sometimes  precedes  the  noun  expressing  either  the  subject  or  the  object, 
and  sometimes  follows  it,  the  meaning  being  determined  apparently,  as  in 
Latin,  by  the  inflection.  Thus  "I  see  a  man,"  is  minewa  waiwdj  (I  see 
him  a  man)  ;  and  "the  man  sees  me  "  is  miinewa  waiicdj  (he  sees  me  the 
man).  Tqinko  minjo,  give  me  a  dog  ;  kitetqonki,  kill  the  dog.  In  the  last 
example  the  change  fromtymftoto  tq^nki  is  apparently  not  a  grammatical 
inflection,  but  is  merely  euphonic.  The  verb  in  the  imperative  mood  suffi 
ciently  shows  the  speaker's  meaning,  and  the  position  of  the  noun  is  a 
matter  of  emphasis.  "A  dog  give  me,"  not  a  knife  ;  "kill  the  dog,"  don't 
let  him  escape. 

A  verb  is  placed  after  another  verb  to  which  it  bears  the  relation  ex 
pressed  by  our  infinitive  ;  as  minjiloqko  wakteta,  let  me  kill  him  (allow 
me,  I  will  kill  him).  Wakonta  opeta,  I  will  make  him  go  (I  cause  him  he 
will  go). 

The  euphonic  changes  which  words  undergo  in  construction  with  other 
words  are  as  marked  in  this  language  as  they  are  in  the  proper  Dakota 
tongue,  and  seem  to  be  often  of  a  similar,  if  not  identical,  character  in  the 
two  languages.  Thus  in  Dakota  the  word  qunka,  dog,  becomes  qunke 
when  a  possessive  pronoun  is  prefixed.  In  the  Tutelo  a  similar  change 
takes  place  when  the  position  of  the  noun  is  altered  ;  thus  we  have  tqonko 
mingo,  give  me  a  dog  ;  kite  tynki,  kill  the  dog.  The  terminal  vowel  is 
frequently  dropped,  and  the  consonant  preceding  it  undergoes  a  change  ; 
thus  in  Dakota  yuza,  to  hold,  becomes  yits  in  the  phrase  yus  majin,  to 
stand  holding.  In  Tutelo  nahdtnbi  (properly  nahdn^i)  or  nalidbi,  day, 
becomes  nahdmp  (or  nalidp),  in  nahdmp  Idli  (or  nahdplali),  three  days. 
In  such  instances  the  two  words  which  are  thus  in  construction  are  pro 
nounced  as  though  they  formed  a  single  word. 


Hale.] 


36 


[March  2, 


VOCABULARY. 

Particular  care  was  taken  to  obtain,  as  correctly  as  possible,  all  the  words 
comprised  in  the  comparative  vocabulary  adopted  by  Gallatin  for  his  Syn 
opsis  of  the  Indian  languages.  Many  other  words,  expressive  of  the  most 
common  objects  or  actions,  have  been  added.  The  alphabetical  arrange 
ment  is  adopted  for  convenience  of  reference,  in  lieu  of  the  different  order 
which  Gallatin  preferred  for  the  purposes  of  his  work.  The  Dakota  and 
Hidatsa  words  are  derived  from  the  dictionaries  of  Mr.  Riggs  and  Dr. 
Matthews,  with  the  necessary  changes  of  orthography  which  are  required 
for  the  direct  comparison  of  the  three  languages. 

When  several  words  are  given  in  the  Tutelo  list,  they  are  sometimes,  as 
will  be  seen,  mere  variations  of  pronunciation  or  of  grammatical  form,  and 
sometimes  entirely  distinct  expressions.  The  Tutelo  has  no  less  than  four 
words  for  "man,"  wahtalca,  waiyuwa  (or  waiwaq}  yu'ikan,  andnona,  which 
have  doubtless  different  shades  of  meaning,  though  these  were  not  ascer 
tained.  There  are  also  two  distinct  words  meaning  "to  see,"  iitetoa,  and 
ohata,  and  two  for  "go,"  ope  tea  and  gala  (or,  rather  opa  and  la,  answering 
to  opa  and  ya  in  Dakota).  A  more  complete  knowledge  of  the  language 
would  doubtless  afford  the  means  of  discriminating  between  these  appa 
rently  synonymous  terms. 

The  words  marked  N  in  the  vocabulary  are  those  which  were  received 
from  Nikonha  himself.  The  pronunciation  of  these  words  may  be  accepted 
as  that  of  a  Tutelo  of  the  full  blood,  and  as  affording  a  test  of  the  correct 
ness  of  the  others. 

Tutelo.  Dakota. 


Alive 

Ail 

And 

Arm 

Arrow 

Ashes 

Aunt 

Autumn 

Awake 

Axe 

Bad 


mi,  eni,  mina 
huk,  hok,  okahok 
nigas 


ni 


Beads 


lyuqpa 

kha ;  t<ja;  unkan 

nakun 

hi<jto  (N)  histo  isto 

manksii;  niankoi  (N)  wanhinkpe 
alapok  ttjiqota 

watemai ;  tomin        tun  win 
tanyi,  ta'i  ptanyetu 

kiklese  kikta 

nisep  (N),  hisepi, 

hke'p  onspe 

okayek  (N)  okayik, 

ukayik  <jit<ja 

manksui  ojulia 

tapi  tapa 

qapi ;  yohifik  Qanha 

munti  (N)  monti, 

mcfi  Ji  mato 

watai  totodan 


Hidatsa. 
hiwakatsa 
qukaheta  ;  etsa 


ara 

ita,  maita 

midutsapi 

iQami  ;  ika 

mate 

itsi  ;  hidamitats 

maiptsa 

icia 
i<ji 

maotapi 

midaicji  ;  qupi  (v) 

daqpitsi 
akutohi 


1SS3.J 


37 


[Hale. 


Tutelo. 

Dakota. 

Hi  da  is  a. 

Braver 

yaop  (N)  munaqka 

t<jvpa 

mirapa 

Be.xrd 

yehi  ;  istihioi 

putinhin  (hifi,  hair, 

iQ'i,  underlip) 

iki  (hi,  hair) 

Bed 

sasi 

owinja 

aduqupi 

Beg 

oyandise 

da;  kida 

kadi 

Bird 

maymk 

zitka  ;  wakinyan 

tsakaka 

Bird's  nest 

mayengilqta, 

hoqpi 

iki<ji 

Bite  off  (to) 

latkusisel, 

yaksa 

adudatsa 

Black 

as6pi,  asup  (N) 

sapa 

cipi 

Blood 

wayl  (N) 

we 

idi 

Blue 

asoti 

to  ;  sota 

tohi 

Body 

tesi  ;  yuqte'ki 

tangin  ;  (tezi,  belly) 

iqo    (titsi,    thick. 

stout) 

Boil  (to) 

Meha 

ohafi  ;  ipiqya 

inidue 

Bone 

wahol,  wahui 

hu 

hidu 

Book 

minagi 

wowapi 

Boy 

wakasik  (N);  guts- 

kai  ;  waitiwa 

hokQ'dan  ;  ko<jka 

makadistamatse 

Bow(n) 

ind^ik,  inosek  (N) 

Itazipa  ;  tinazipe 

itanuqa  ;  minucfa 

Brain 

wasoti,  wasut 

nasu 

tsuuta 

Bread 

wagesakwai,     wak- 

sakpai 

aguyapi 

madahapi 

Break  (to)  with 

foot 

lakatkusisel 

naksa 

anaqoqi 

BrotJwr 

nhvagenumpai    (N) 

inginuinbai 

tcinye 

iaka  ;  itanu  ;  itaine- 

Brother,     elder 

tsa 

(my) 

witansk  ;  wital  ;  wa- 

hiik 

tcinye  ;  timdo 

itametsa  ;  iaka 

Brother, 

younger  (my) 

wisuntk,  minon 

misunka 

matsuka 

Buffilo 

iap;  mampandahkai 

tatanka  ;  pte 

kedapi  ;  mite 

Burn  (o.  a.) 

inauslnga 

ghu  ;  aghu 

anaqa 

Bury 

suntese 

ga  ;  huaka 

But 

rai 

tuka 

i 

Buy 

kilomiha  ;      waglu- 

mibinta 

opeton 

maihu 

Gall  (v.  a.) 

kikoha  ;  gelaki 

kitQo 

kikuha  (invite?) 

Canoe 

minkolhapi,     men- 

kolahapi 

wata  ;  canwata 

midaluetea;  mina- 

luetsa 

Cat 

pus  (N)  (i.  e.  puss) 

inrauQunka  (dog- 

panther) 

Cause  (v) 

konta 

etQonkiya 

Hale.] 


38 


[March  2. 


Tutelo. 

Dakota. 

Hidatsa. 

CJieek 

ukste"b 

tapon,  iyoqa 

CJierry 

yosafikrota 

tcanpa,  kakanpidan 

matsu 

CJiild 

wakasik;  wagots- 

kai  (see  small) 

hokqlyopa 

daka;  makadiQta 

Chop  CD) 

lakasase 

kaksa 

naktsuki 

Chum  (») 

mampamasawohoka  botcjo 

Claw 

oluskese 

tsake 

tsakaka  itsi 

Cloud 

maqosi  (N) 

maqpiya 

Club 

yelieti 

tq.in  otoza 

midakaza  titsi 

Cold 

sani 

sni 

tsinie 

Come 

yahua,  howa,  hi 

uwa 

1m 

Copper 

penihei 

maza 

nctsalii(j:<ji 

Count  (v) 

yilanaha 

yawa 

Cranberry 

hohnunk 

potkanka,  potpanka 

Crane 

kainstakai 

pehau 

opitsa 

Crow  (n) 

kahi 

unt(j'<;ttQadan 

pedetska 

Cry  (t<) 

qaqise 

t(}eya 

imia 

Cut    (v)  with 

knife 

lakatkosa 

baksa 

naktsuki 

Dead 
Deer 
Demi  (evil 

spirit) 
Die 
Dog 

Drink  (v) 
Duck 


Ear 

Earth 

Eat 

Egg 

Eight 


wagitqi  (N),  ketcji 
usiliaa,  olisiha 
witeka    (N),     wi- 

ohanke,  miohank 
nahambe,  nahamp, 

nahanpe 
te,  teka 
wilai 

mampa  isi 
te  (N),  teolaha 
tcjong    (N)    tcjongo 

tgonki,  tQonk 
lakpe,  lapeta 
I<;tai    (N),    heistan, 

maneasei    (see 

Goose) 

naqoq  (N),  nahuh 

amani,  amai 

luti 

mayink  pos  (see 

Bird) 
palan    (N)    palani, 

palali 


watcji  kidicji 

okpaza  (ban,  night)   oktsi;  tatsi 


mitcunkqi 


maka 


aiipetu,  anpe 
ta 
taqintga. 

mape 
te 
tqitatuki 

wakanqitcja 
ta 

te 

(junka 
yatkan 

macjuka 
hi  ;  minhi 

maghaksit(ja ;  skiska  miqaka 


nogbe ;  nakpa 

maka 

yuta 

witka 
Qadogban 


akuqi 

ama 

duti  (nuti) 

tsakakadaki 
nopapi 


1883.] 


39 


[Hale. 


Eighteen 

Eleven 

Evening 

Eye 


Face 

Father 

Fifteen 

Finger 

Finger-nails 

Fire 

Fish 

Five 

Flesh 

Fog 

Food 

Foot 

Forehead 

Forest 

Four 

Fourteen 
Fox 


Ghost 
Girl 


Go 

God 

Good 


Tutelo.  Dakota. 

agepalali,  akipalani   ake  qadoghan 

agenosai,  akinosai      ake  wanjidan 

osihitewa  (see  Dark 
ness,  Night)  qayetu 

tasui,   tasuye  (N) 
(rnentasui,  my  e.)  icjta 

taluk  na ;  tarubna 

(menttil6ken,myf.)ite  ;  itohnake 
eati;  tat  (N);  yat  (N)  ate 
agegisai,  akekisai      ake-zaptan) 
hak  (se£  Hand)          nape 
tsut'aki,  t<jut(jag        qake 
pitcj  (N)  peti,  pete,      peta 
wihoi  (N)  hoghafi 

kasa  (N)  kise,  kisan, 

kifahi,  kii-ahani      zaptafi 
wayuqteki,  Mrayuq- 

tik  tqeqpi ;  tqonitcja 

manotihua  opo 

waluti  wOyute 

iqi  (N)  isi  siha 

tikoi  ;  pania  minte    ite 
tahkai  tqontanka 

top  (N),  topa,  topai, 

toba  '  topa 

agetoba,  akitopa        ake-topa 
tohkai  qungidan 

witahe,  witaqa  koda  ;  kitQuwa 


Great 
Green 


wanuntQi  wanaghi 

wagatQ(N)  Avakasik; 

komqan  (N)  Avitqinyanna 

opewa  ;  qala  ;  la        ya  ;  opa 
eingyen,  emga          wakantanku 
ebi  (N),  bi,  pi,  ipi, 

biwa  -  wa<;te  ;  pi  (obsolete) 

maneasan  magha 

ekuni,  higun  tunkanqidan 

higun  kunsitku  ;  untQi 

sunktaki  (N),  muk- 

tagi ;  otoi  peji 

itani  (N),  itan  tafika 

oto  (N),  otolakoi       to 


Hldatsa. 
aqpidopapi 
aqpiduetsa 

oktsiade 
i<jta 


ite 

ate  ;  tatiQ 

aqpikiqu 

(jakiadutsamihe 

Qakii(jpu 

mua 
kiqu 

idukcjiti 

pue 

maduti 

itsi 

iqi 


topa 

aqpitopa 

iqoka 

idakoe ;  iko'pa 

nokidaqi 

makadiQtamia ; 

miakaza 

nakon  ;  ne  ;  kaua 
daqi,  naqi  (spirit) 

tsuki 
mina 
adutaka 
iku 

mika' 

iqtia 

tohiqa 


Hate.] 

<±u 

[March  2, 

Tutelo. 

Dakota. 

Hidatsa. 

% 

Gun 

minkte  (N) 

mazakan 

Hail 

noq 

wasu 

ma'kuqpitami 

Hair 

natonwe(N),  nantoi, 

natoi 

natii  ;  bin 

ana  ;  hi 

Hand 

hag  (N),  haki,  ak 

nape     (c,ake,    cla\v, 

finger-nail) 

Qaki 

Handsome 

pire  (N),  ipi,  ipikarn 

(see  good) 

owanyag  waste 

Have 

tahontaneki 

tm-mac.tmtQa 

ituki 

Hat 

lubus  ;  kotub6s  (N) 

wapaba 

apoka 

Hatchet 

(see  axe) 

-. 

He 

im,  i 

i,  <je 

Head 

pasuye  (N),  pasui 

pa 

atu 

Heart 

yanti  (N),  yanti;  tapi 

tcante  (tapi,  liver) 

na'ta(apiqa,  liver) 

Here 

nei 

den,  detu 

Him 

e,  ei,  i 

iye,  ic. 

i 

Himself 

es  a  i,  isani 

iye,  iQ 

iqki 

House 

ati  (N) 

tipi 

ati 

How  many 

tokenun 

tona,  tonaka 

tuami,  tuaka 

Hundred 

ukeni,  okeni 

opawinghe 

pitikiqtia 

Hanger  (v) 

kibnindewa 

wotektehda  (hun 

gry) 

aniiti  (hungry) 

Husband 

manki 

hihna 

kida,  kina 

ma,  mi,  mini 


miye 


laloneorlmy- 

self  mieani,  misai  uiiye,  mig,  nii(jnana 

Ice  nonbi ;  mmgiratcjah  tQigha 

If  li  kin  ban 

Indian  wabtakai  (man)  iktc,ewitQasta 

Iron  mans,  mas,  ma- 

siqorak  mazasapa 
Island                bistek,  stek,  stes- 

teki  wita 

Kettle  yesink  tcjegba 

Kitt  kite  (N),  kte,  kitese  kte,  kata 

Knife  maseni,  masei,  ma- 

sai  (N)  masa  isan 

Lake  (see  Sea) 

Land  (see  Earth) 

Laugh  inkseha,  inkqe  (N)     iqa 

Leaf  otoi,  otoq  (N)  ape;  wapa 


ma,  mi 

miqki,  mitsaki 
manuqi 

arnakanoqpaka 
uetsa 


iniduqa 
ta,  kitabe 

maetsi 


ka' 
midapa 


1883.] 


41 


[Hale. 


t 
Leg 


Long 

Love 
Maize 

Make 
Man 


Marry 
Me 

Meet 
Mine 
Moon 

Morning 

Mother 
Mountain 
Mouth 
Myself 

Near 
Neck 

Night 
Nine 


Nineteen 

No 

None 

Oak 

Old 
One 


Tutelo  Dakota, 

yeksa  (N),  ieksa, 

yeksai;  mini  (my 

leg)  idiki  or  iniki 

yapdske  (N)  sui; 

yumpankatska       hanska 


Hidatsa. 


yandowasteka 


waQtedaka 


mandaqei,    mataqe 

(N)  wamnalieza 

aonia,  aon  un 

wahtahka,  \vaiyua 

(K),     waiyuwa, 

waiwaq;  yubkan, 

nona  witxjacjta 

ohon,  ohoteha  ota 

mi,  wi  ma,  mi 

oaki  akipa 

migltowe  mitawa 

mino-a'    (N),    mi- 

mahei  (see  Sun)    hanyetu-wi 
kanahampuai,  kana- 

habnen  (see  Day)  hanhanna 
ira  (N).  hena.benun  ina 
(juqe,  suhi;  olieki       qe;  paha 
ilu,  ih  (N)  i 

(see  "I alone") 


hatski;(tsua,  nar 
row?) 


kohati 
he,  hini 


matse,   itaka, 

kaka 
aim 
mi 
uzia 
matawae 

makumidi 

ata 

hidu 

amaqami 


atsa 


inktei,  askai  kiyedan 

tasei,  mintasei  (my 

n.)  tahu ;  dote  ampa 

usi,  osi  han ;  hanyetu  oktsi 

tsaen  or  t<ja  (N),  sa, 

san,    ksank ;  ksa- 

kai,  kasaiakai         napt<jinwanka  nuetsapi 

agekisanka  unma-naptQinwanka  agpi-nuetsapi 

yalian,  ibao  hiya  desa ;  nesa 

paqte,  paqti  poghe  apa 

taskahoi,      taskahui 

(  N  )  midakamiqka 

boakai,  bohka  kafi  qe,  qie 

non<j    (K),     nons, 

nosai,  nonsa  wanji,  saiini  nuetsa 


PBOC.  AMER.  PHILOS.  8OC.  XXI.  114.  P.      PRINTED  MAY  8,  1883. 


Hale.] 


42 


[Marchl2, 


Ours 
Ourselves 

Partridge 
Pigeon 
Pine-tree 
Pipe 


Pound  (v) 

Prairie 

Rain 

Raspberry 
Red 

Remember 
River 
Run  (v) 

Say  (») 

Sea 


See  (v) 
Seven 

Seventeen 
Sew  (v) 
Shoes 


Shoot  off  (v) 
Sick, 
Sing  (v) 
Sister 

Sit 
Six 

Sixteen 
Sky 


Tutelo. 
maqgltowe 
maesai,  maesani 


Dakota, 
unkitawa 


Hidatsa. 
matawae 
midohi 


wustetkai  zit<ja 

mayutkai,  wayotkai  wakiyedan 

wasti,  waste  (N)        wazi  matsi 

yekinstik  (N),  ihir- 

tik,  ihenstek  (qu, 

' '  mouth-stone ' ' )     tcjotanka  ;      tqandu- 

hupa  ikipi 

pahe  apa  pa 

latahkoi  tinta  amaadatsa,  tedutl 

qawoi  (N),  qawoqa, 

ha \voha,  qawo       maghaju  qade 

hasisiai  takanhetqa 

atsuti,  atQuti,  at(jut    duta    (scarlet),     <ja 

(red)  hi<ji 

konspewa  kiksuya 

taksita,  taksitai         wakpa ;  watpa  azi 

hinda,  hanta  (N)       inyanka  tinie 

hahewa  (see  Speak)  eya  id6 

yetani,  yetai,  ietan    mde    (lake)',    mini- 

wan'<ja(o/ieto^6r)miniiqtia     (great 

water) 
ohata,    inewa,    wa-  ton  wan  ;    wanyaka ; 

qeta  wanhdaka  ika ;  atsi<ja 

sag6in  (N),  sagomei, 

sagomink  qakowin  (japua 

agesagomi  ake-<jakowin  aqpicjapua 

ihoha  kaglieghe ;  ipasisa     kikaki 

handisonoi  (N),  an- 

gohlei,      agore, 

agode  tcanhanpa  hupa;  itapa 

opatansel  bopota 

waginoma  yazan  iqoade 

yamuniye  (N)  dowan;  ahiyaya 

minek  (N),  tahank    tawinoqtin  ;    tanka, 

tanku  inu,  itaku,  iqami 

mahananka  iyotanka  amaki 

agus     (N),     akasp, 

akaspei  (jakpe  akama 

agegaspe  akeqakpe  aqpiakama 

mantoi,      matoni, 

matoi  maqpiya  to  apaqi 


1883.] 


[Hale. 


Tutelo.                         Dakota. 

Hidatsa, 

Sleep  (0) 

My  an   (N)  ;   hianta, 

hiantkapewa           iQtinma 

hami,  hlnac 

Small 

kutqkai  (N),  kutskai, 

kotskai                    tqistinna  ;  tqikadan  ; 

nigkodan 

karicjta 

Snake 

wageni                       wan;  wamduQka 

mapokqa 

Son 

witeka  (N),  tekai; 

qut(jkai(seeJASmaZO  tqinktc/i    (koqka, 

young  man) 

idi<ji 

Speak 

ni(ja  (N),  sahe'nta, 

sahita,   hahewa, 

oaklaka                   ia;yaotanin 

id4,  in6 

Spring  (n) 

wchahempei,  weha- 

£himpe;  maste       wetu  (ina<jt6,  warm} 

Squirrel 

nistaqkai                   taqaahetQa;    hetk- 

adan;zi<ja 

Stamp  («) 

with  foot 

nankokisek                natata,  natantan 

Star 

tabunit^kai  (N),tap- 

ninskai                    witqanqpi 

icjka 

Stay  (0) 

nanka  (see  5/0           yanka 

daka 

Steal    . 

manon,  manoma       manon 

acjadi 

Stone 

hist^ki,  nistek  (N)     inyan 

mi' 

Strawberry 

haspabinuk                wajuqtetga 

amuaqoka 

Strike 

kohinunhiwa              apa,  kaqtaka 

Strong 

itai;  soti;  wayupaki  suta;  waq'aka 

itsii 

Summer 

wehe    piwa     (see 

Spring)                  mdoketu 

ade,  mande 

Sun 

mie  or  mm  (N),  mi 

(see  Moon)             wi 

midi 

Sweep  00 

lakaple"k                    kahinta 

Ten 

potsk  (N),   putsk, 

bulqk,    putskai, 

putskani                 wiktQemna 

pitika 

That 

yukan;  neikin            ka,  kon 

ku 

Thee 

hi,  yi                          ni 

ni 

Their 

gitonnesel                  tawapi 

itamae 

There 

kowai                          hetcji;  hen;  ka;  kanki 

hidikoa;  ku 

(jekoa 

They 

imahese                       iyepi 

i 

TJiine 

yingftowe                   nitawa 

nitawae 

Thirteen 

agelali                         ake-yamni 

aqpinami 

Thirty 

putcjka  nani                wiktcjernna  yamni 

damia-pitik. 

Hale.] 


44 


[March  2, 


This 
Think 
Thou 
Thousand 

Three 

Thunder 

Thyself 

Tie(v) 

Tobacco 

lo-day 


Toes 
To-morrow 

Tongue 
Tooth 
Town 
Tree 

Turkey 
Twelve 

Twenty 
Two 

Ugly 

Uncle  (my) 
Us 

Valley 


Tutelo.  Dakota. 

n6ke,  neikin  de  ;  detQsdan. 

opemiha ;  konspewaec/n  ;  epqa, 
yim,  ya,  ye  nic,,  ya,  ye 

okeni  butskai,  ukem 

mbutskai  kektopawinghe 

nan  (N)  nani,lat,lani  yamni 


tui ;  tubangrua 
yisai,  yesani 
olobi 

ye"hni,  yibnu 
nabainbleken  (see 


atkasusai 

nabampk  (see  To 
day) 

netcji,  netsi,  letci 

ibi  (N) 

mampi,  mambi 

oni ;  wien  (N)  mien 
(see  Wood) 

mandabkai,  man- 
dubkai 

agenomba 

putska  nomba 
nomp  (N)  nomba 

ukayik  (see  Bad) 

minek' 

mae,  wae 

onqyayun 


otin 

niye,  nig 
iyakaqka ;  paqta 
t^andi 

etQin  ;  nakaha  ;  an« 

petu  kin  de 
siyukaja ;  sipinkpa 

heyaketcinkan 

tcjeji 

bi 

otonwe 

tcjan 

zitcja  tanka 
ake-nonpa 

wiktcemna  nonpa 
nonpa 


Hidatsa. 
bidi ;  bini 
idie ;  inie 
na,  ni 

pitikiqtia  akakodi 

nami,  nawi 

tabu 

niqki 

dutskiti 

ope 


hini-mape 
itsiadutsamibe 

ataduk,  ataruk 
dezi  (nezi) 
i,  bi 
ati,  ati  abu 

mina  (wood) 


aqpidopa  (agpi- 

nopa) 
nopapitika 
nopa,  dopa 


owanyaq  sitqa  icia 

midekqi;  ate  (father)  ate ;  itadu 
un  mido,  wiro 

kaksiza  ;  tcjokan         amaqaktupi 


Walk  (v) 

yalewa  (see  Go) 

mani 

dide 

Warm 

akateka,  akatia 

kata  ;  tgoza  ;  magte 

ade 

Warrior 

erutaone 

akitQita  ;      mdeta- 

huiika 

akimakikua 

Water 

mam  (N) 

mini 

mini,  inidi 

We 

mim,     mae,     wae, 

man,  maesan 

un 

Weave 

anktaka 

yanka  ;  kazonta 

Weep 

qaka 

t<jeya 

imia 

Which 

etuk 

tukte 

tapa 

What  is  that? 

kakanwa 

taku  (wTiat) 

tapa 

1883.1 

to 

[Hale. 

Tutelo. 

Dakota. 

Hidntsa. 

When 

tokenaq 

tohinni  ;  kehan 

tuakaduk  ;  tuaka- 

qedu 

Wliere 

toka 

toki,  tokiya 

torn,  toka 

White 

asufii    (N),     'asani, 

asai,  asei 

sail  ;  ska 

atuki  ;  oqati 

WJio 

ketoa,  •  heioa 

tuwe 

tape 

WJiose 

tewakLunwa 

tuwetawa 

tapeitamae 

Wife 

(same-  as    Woman) 

mibani 

tawitQu 

itadamia  ;  ua 

Wind 

maniiikie  (N),  mam- 

unklei,  maminkre, 

omaklewa 

tate 

hutsi 

Winter 

waneni,  wanei 

wani,  waniyetu 

mana;  tsinie  {cold) 

Wolf 

miinktagin     (N), 

munktokai,    mak- 

tukai 

(junktoketqa 

motsa  ;  t<;c<ja 

Woman 

mibani,  mihan  (N), 

mabei 

winohintqa,  winyan 

mia 

Wood 

miyeni,  mien,  miyei 

tqan 

mina 

Work  00 

oknaho 

qtani 

dahe  ;  kikqa 

Ye 

yim  (see  Thou) 

niyepi 

dido;  niro 

Yellow 

sli 

zi 

tsi 

Yes 

aba,  ahan,  awaqa 

ban  ;  ho 

e 

Yesterday 

sit  6 

qtanihan 

hudiqedu;     huri- 

<jeru 

Toung 

ye"nki 

askatudan  wota 

Your  (pO 

yin^ilambui 

nitawapi 

Hale.] 


46 


[March  2, 


l 

OJIBWAYS 


IAHAS 
JOWAS 


MIN!TARES 


OR 


DATS  AS 


MAND.ANS 


« 


OTOES 


WEAS 
ILLINOIS 


& 


fv 
I  >  ^ 


SHAWNEES 


OSAGE! 


^^ 


QUAPPAJ 


^CHICASAS 


CHEgOKEES 


CHOCTAWS 


1883.] 


47 


[Hale. 


